Chapter Four: Social Class, Politics and Culture

Class-based versus other social movements: there have been many social movements against inequality, whether based on gender, nation, race, colonialism, etc., but the fundamental one is the one based in class - ie, the movement to eradicate inqualities based on class division of societies. (65). This is the significance of Marx, his analysis of capitalism, and the expectation that a more humane, socialist society would emerge from the revolt of the working class against the ruling class of capitalist societies.

Ruling Class: in nineteenth century, it was easy for Marx to conceive the government as a committee for managing the common affairs of the bourgeoisie as a whole, since only property owners had full political rights (65).

Contrasting Views on Suffrage: Marx was suspicious of suffrage under capitalism in which the working class gets to choose which member of the bourgeoisie misrepresents it for the next four or six years; in contrast, he was much more hopeful of democracy under the Commune in which the working class would elect deputies to represent it in the Commune (with immediate recall rights).

Working-Class Socialist Movement: Socialist or communist parties became influential in much of the world, especially after WWII, and especially in Eastern Europe, USSR, China, and many of the national liberation movements in the third world.

a) Hegemony of a non-Socialist American Capitalism on World Stage.

In 1906, Werner Sombart published Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? Among factors he listed:

• rising standard of living
• social position of workers
• democratic style of public life
• open frontiers (68).

Bottomore adds two other inconnected ones:

• presence of large black proletariat against which White workers felt superior; black proletariat did not add to a radical socialist movement, but simply wanted inclusion in the 'American dream';
• waves of immigration which pushed native Americans higher in the social hierarchy.

Added to this was the fact that American capitalism become dominanat on the world stage after WWII, as in the Marshall Plan to reconstruct Europe, it is no wonder that it acted as a beacon for anti-communist sentiment.

B) Repressive and Authoritarian Nature of Soviet Communism:

This gave socialism a negative connotation in many countries, and made it difficult for socialist and communist parties to gain new recruits.

1980s:

Despite above barriers, socialist parties continued to grow in Influence, especially during the 1980s in Europe. This was accompanied by two other trends:

• decline in the hegemony of American capitalism;
• dissolution of the communist bloc

Note: Bottomore seems quite optimistic about the influence of socialist parties in Europe, both in the European Parliament and in individual countries by end of 1980s. He gives little hint of the right-wing movement of the 1990s and end of 1980s. (70)

Bottomore argues that, since 19th century, politics and political parties have been class based:

1. Conservative and Liberal parties have favoured policies promoting private accumulation of wealth, little state intervention in the economy, especially in form of welfare state, other than a minimal level, and a taxation system that favoured the rich.
2. Socialist, Social-Democratic and Labour Parties: have favoured state intervention, both to regulate the economy and to promote welfare policies, and a taxation system that is progressive (ie, higher rates for the rich).

a) Professional Managers: argument that no single class, like a business-centered ruling class, can any longer control the polities of the state, both because of the complexities of the state bureauracies and because of the complexities of the bourgeoisie; argument that a 'class' of professional managers is now in charge of the state.

Bottomore rejects the argument on the grounds that:

• a ruling class based in inherited family wealth still has an inordinate influence on state policies;
• professional managers have often been recruited by business, with business values, and shares in companies;
• despite the growth of socialist parties, business-dominated parties have been in power in most democracies since WWII; - a key question is how this has been possible, despite the strength of socialist and labour parties.

Answer:

• small size of capitalist class
• high degree of internal connections - business associations, elite schools, etc.
• command of great resources

all this gives it a great deal of self-consciousness

b) weakness of working class opposition, especially its reformist labour parties in power

c) middle classes - great heterogeneity, making it a weak political actor; has never constituted a major government for any length of time in any country; but their political fluctuations has been one source of instability in capitalist state policies.

-groups within middle classes have been active politically, all the way from fascism (small shopkeepers) to new social movements, such as green and peace and feminist.

- effect on working class politics: -political support: no working class political party can stay in power for long without the support of significant sections of the middle classes

-status: class politics may have declined due to the status emphasis of the middle classes

• reform started after death of Stalin in 1953
• reform picked up after 1985 when Gorbachev initiated changes (glosnost)in Soviet central planning system
• decreased power of ruling class and created more fluidity in class system.
• 1989- reforms quicked with demand for greater political democracy, human rights, and multi- party sysstems.
• move to capitalism different in each country; most determined moves in Hungary and Poland.
• Yugoslavia: nationalist politics undermined reforms
• east germany affected by domination of west german capital and reunification.
• middle class central force in reform movement, especially in Hungary
• 2 central factors behind reform movements:
• economic problems of communist system
• don't know what second one is (81-2)

© Copyright Carl Cuneo, Department of Sociology, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. URL: http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc2r3/botom04.htm