Political Arithmetick




The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings:

Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, Fishery,

Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; Publick Revenues,

Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks

Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's,

Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at Sea, &c.

As the same relates to every Country in general,

but more particularly to the Territories of His

Majesty of Great Britain, and his Neighbours of

Holland, Zealand, and France .


Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Hen.

Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1690.

L E T this Book Called Political

Arithmetick, which was long

since Writ by Sir William Petty

deceased, be Printed.

Given at the court at Whitehall the 7th Day of Novemb.





Most Excellent


S I R,

Whilest every one meditates some fit Offering for Your

Majesty, such as may best agree with your happy

Exaltation to this Throne; I presume to offer, what my Father

long since writ, to shew the weight and importance of the

English Crown.

It was by him stiled Political Arithmetick, in as much as

things of Government, and of no less concern and extent, than

the Glory of the Prince, and the happiness and greatness of

the People, are by the Ordinary Rules of Arithmetick, brought

into a sort of Demonstration. He was allowed by all, to be

the Inventor of this Method of Instruction; where the

perplexed and intricate ways of the World, are explain'd by a

very mean peice of Science; and had not the Doctrins of this

Essay offended France, they had long since seen the light, and

had found Followers, as well as improvements before this time,

to the advantage perhaps of Mankind.

But this has been reserved to the felicity of Your Majesty's

Reign, and to the expectation which the Learned have therein;

and if while in this, I do some honor to the Memory of a good

Father, I can also pay Service, and some Testimony of my

Zeal and Reverence to so great a King, it will be the utmost

Ambition of

S I R,

Your Majesty's Most Dutiful

and Most Obedient Subject,



Forasmuch as Men, who are in a decaying condition, or

who have but an ill opinion of their own Concernments,

instead of being (as some think) the more industrious to

resist the Evils they apprehend, do contrariwise become the

more languid and ineffectual in all their Endeavours, neither

caring to attempt or prosecute even the probable means of

their relief Upon this Consideration, as a Member of the

Common-Wealth, next to knowing the precise Truth in what

condition the common Interest stands, I would in all

doubtful Cases think the best, and consequently not

despair, without strong and manifest Reasons, carefully

examining whatever tends to lessen my hopes of the publick


I have therefore thought fit to examin the following

Perswasions, which I find too currant in the World, and too

much to have affected the Minds of some, to the prejudice of

all, viz.

That the Rents of Lands are generally fall'n; that

therefore, and for many other Reasons, the whole Kingdom

grows every day poorer and poorer; that formerly it

abounded with Gold, but now there is a great scarcity both

of Gold and Silver; that there is no Trade nor Employment

for the People, and yet that the Land is under-peopled; that

Taxes have been many and great; that Ireland and the

Plantations in America and other Additions to the Crown,

are a Burthen to England; that Scotland is of no Advantage;

that Trade in general doth lamentably decay; that the

Hollanders are at our heels, in the race of Naval Power; the

French grow too fast upon both, and appear so rich and

potent, that it is but their Clemency that they do not devour

their Neighbors; and finally, that the Church and State of

England, are in the same danger with the Trade of England;

with many other dismal Suggestions, which I had rather

stifle than repeat.

`Tis true, the Expence of foreign Commodities hath of

late been too great; much of our Plate, had it remain'd

Money, would have better served Trade; too many Matters

have been regulated by Laws, which Nature, long Custom,

and general Consent, ought only to have governed; the

Slaughter and Destruction of Men by the late Civil Wars

and Plague have been great; the Fire at London, and

Disaster at Chatham, have begotten Opinions in the Vulgus

of the World to our Prejudice; the Nonconformists increases;

the People of Ireland think long of their Settlement; the

English there apprehend themselves to be Aliens, and are

forced to seek a Trade with Foreigners, which they might as

well maintain with their own Relations in England. But

notwithstanding all this (the like whereof was always in all

Places), the Buildings of London grow great and glorious;

the American Plantations employ four Hundred Sail of

Ships; Actions in the East-India Company are near double

the principal Money; those who can give good Security,

may have Money under the Statute-Interest; Materials for

building (even Oaken-Timber) are little the dearer, some

cheaper for' the rebuilding of London; the Exchange seems

as full of Merchants as formerly; no more Beggars in the

Streets, nor executed for Thieves, than heretofore; the

Number of Coaches, and Splendor of Equipage exceeding

former Times; the publique Theatres very magnificent; the

King has a greater Navy, and stronger Guards than before

our Calamities; the Clergy rich, and the Cathedrals in

repair; much Land has been improved, and the Price of

Food so reasonable, as that Men refuse to have it cheaper,

by admitting of Irish Cattle; And in brief, no Man needs to

want that will take moderate pains. That some are poorer

than others, ever was and ever will be: And that many are

naturally querulous and envious, is an Evil as old as the


These general Observations, and that Men eat, and drink,

and laugh as they use to do, have encouraged me to try if I

could also comfort others, being satisfied my self, that the

Interest and Affairs of England are in no deplorable


The Method I take to do this, is not yet very usual; for

instead of using only comparative and superlative Words,

and intellectual Arguments, I have taken the course (as a

Specimen of the Political Arithmetick I have long aimed

at) to express my self in Terms of Number, Weight, or

Measure; to use only Arguments of Sense, and to consider

only such Causes, as have visible Foundations in Nature;

leaving those that depend upon the mutable Minds, Opinions,

Appetites, and Passions of particular Men, to the Consider-

ation of others: Really professing my self as unable to speak

satisfactorily upon those Grounds (if they may be call'd

Grounds), as to foretel the cast of a Dye; to play well at

Tennis, Billiards, or Bowles, (without long pradice,) by virtue

of the most elaborate Conceptions that ever have been

written De Projectilibus & Missilibus, or of the Angles of

Incidence and Reflection.

Now the Observations or Positions expressed by Number,

Weight, and Measure, upon which I bottom the ensuing

Discourses, are either true, or not apparently false, and which

if they are not already true, certain, and evident, yet may be

made so by the Sovereign Power, Nam id certum est quod

certum reddi potest, and if they are false, not so false as to

destroy the Argument they are brought for; but at worst are

sufficient as Suppositions to shew the way to that Know-

ledge I aim at. And I have withal for the present confined

my self to the Ten principal Conclusions hereafter particularly

handled, which if they shall be judged material, and worthy

of a better Discussion, I hope all ingenious and candid

Persons will rectifie the Errors, Defects, and Imperfections,

which probably may be found in any of the Positions, upon

which these Ratiocinations were grounded. Nor would it

misbecome Authority it self, to clear the Truth of those

Matters which private Endeavours cannot reach to.


Principal Conclusions




CHAP. I. That a small Country, and few People, may by their

Situation, Trade, and Policy, be equivalent in Wealth and

Strength, to afar greater People, and Territory. And particularly,

How conveniences for Shipping, and Water Carriage, do most

Eminently, and Fundamentally, conduce thereunto.

Chap. II. That some kind of Taxes, and Publick Levies, may rather

increase than diminish the Common-Wealth.

Chap. III. That France cannot by reason of Natural and Perpetual

Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hol-


Chap. IV. That the People, and Territories of the King of England,

are Naturally near as considerable, for Wealth, and Strength, as

those of France.

Chap. V. That the Impediments of Englands Greatness, are but

contingent and removeable.

Chap. VI. That the Power and Wealth of England, hath increased

above this forty years.

Chap. VII. That one tenth part, of the whole Expence, of the King of

England's Subjects; is sufficient to maintain one hundred thousand

Foot, thirty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea, and to

defray all other Charges, of the Government: both Ordinary and

Extraordinary, if the same were regularly Taxed and Raised.

Chap. VIII. That there are spare Hands enough among the King of

England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum, more than they

now do, and there are Employments, ready, proper, and sufficient,

for that purpose.

Chap. IX. That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the


Chap. X. That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock, competent,

and convenient to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.


That a small Country and few People, by its Situation, Trade,

and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to

a far greater People and Territory: And particularly that

conveniencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage, do most

Eminently and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.

This first principal Conclusion by reason of its length, I

consider in three Parts; whereof the first is, That a

small Country and few People, may be equivalent in Wealth

and Strength to a far greater People and Territory.

This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little

proof; forasmuch as one Acre of Land, may bear as much

Corn, and feed as many Cattle as twenty, by the difference

of the Soil; some parcel of Ground is naturally so defensible,

as that an Hundred Men being possessed thereof, can resist

the Invasion of Five Hundred; and bad Land may be

improved and made good; Bog may by draining be made

Meadow; Heath-land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear

Flax and Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from one to

an Hundred The same Land being built upon, may

centuple the Rent which it yielded as Pasture; one Man is

more nimble, or strong, and more patient of labor than

another; one Man by Art may do as much work, as many

without it; viz, one Man with a Mill can grind as much

Corn, as twenty can pound in a Mortar; one Printer can

make as many Copies, as an Hundred Men can write by

hand; one Horse can carry upon Wheels, as much as Five

upon their Backs; and in a Boat, or upon Ice, as Twenty:

So that I say again, this first point of this general Position,

needs little or no proof. But the second and more material

part of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and

People, arises principally from their Situation, Trade, and


To clear this, I shall compare Holland and Zealand with

the Kingdom of France viz. Holland and Zealand do not

contain above one Million of English Acres, whereas the

Kingdom of France contains above 80.

Now the Original and Primitive difference holds pro-

portion as Land to Land, for it is hard to say, that when

these places were first planted, whether an Acre in France

was better than the like quantity in Holland and Zealand;

nor is there any reason to suppose, but that therefore upon

the first Plantation, the number of Planters was in Proportion

to the quantity of Land; wherefore, if the People are not in

the same proportion as the Land, the same must be attributed

to the Scituation of the Land, and to the Trade and Policy of

the People superstructed thereupon.

The next thing to be shewn is, that Holland and Zealand

at this day, is not only an eightieth part as rich and strong

as France, but that it hath advanced to one third or there-

abouts, which I think will appear upon the Ballance of the

following particulars, viz.

As to the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that

Kingdom, set forth Anno 1647. represents it to be fifteen

Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author

thereof (as I suppose) meaning the Rents of the Lands only:

And the Author of a most Judicious discourse of Husbandry

(supposed to be Sir Richard Weston,) doth from reason and

experience shew, that Lands in the Netherlands, by bearing

Flax, Turneps, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield

10 l. per Acre; so as the Territories of Holland and Zealand,

should by his account yield at least Ten Millions per annum,

yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so

little as abovesaid, but rather, that one bears to the other as

about 7, or 8 to 1.

The People of Amsterdam, are one third of those in Paris

or London, which two Cities differ not in People a twentieth

part from each other, as hath appeared by the Bills of Burials

and Christnings for each. But the value of the Buildings in

Amsterdam, may well be half that of Paris, by reason of the

Foundations, Grafts, and Bridges, which in Amsterdam are

more numerous and chargeable than at Paris. Moreover the

Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand

are twice or thrice as good as those of France; but the

People of the one to the People of the other, being but as

thirteen to one, the value of the housing must be as about

five to one.

The value of the Shipping of Europe, being about two

Millions of Tuns, I suppose the English have Five Hundred

Thousand, the Dutch Nine Hundred Thousand, the French

an Hundred Thousand, the Hamburgers, and the Subjects

of Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dansick two Hundred

and Fifty Thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. two

Hundred and Fifty Thousand; so as the Shipping in our

case of France to that of Holland and Zealand, is about one

to nine, which reckoned as great and small, new and old, one

with another at 8 l. per Tun, makes the worth to be as Eight

Hundred Thousand Pounds, to Seven Millions, and Two

Hundred Thousand Pounds. The Hollanders Capital in the

East-India Company, is worth above Three Millions;

where the French as yet have little or nothing.

The value of the Goods exported out of France into all

Parts, are supposed Quadruple to what is sent to England

alone; and consequently in all about Five Millions, but

what is exported out of Holland into England is worth Three

Millions; and what is exported thence into all the World

besides, is sextuple to the same.

The Monies Yearly raised by the King of France, as the

same appears by the Book intituled (The State of France)

Dedicated to the King, Printed Anno 1669. and set forth

several times by Authority, is 82000000 of French Livers,

which is about 6½ Millions of Pounds Sterling, of which

summ the Author says, that one fifth part was abated for

non-valuers or Insolvencies, so (as I suppose) not above Five

Millions were effectually raised : But whereas some say, that

the King of France raised Eleven Millions as the 1/5 of the

effects of France; I humbly affirm, that all the Land and

Sea Forces, all the Buildings and Entertainments, which we

have heard by common Fame, to have been set forth and

made in any of these seven last Years, needed not to have

cost six Millions Sterling; wherefore, I suppose he hath not

raised more, especially since there were one fifth Insolvencies,

when the Tax was at that pitch. But Holland and Zealand,

paying 67 of the 100, paid by all the United Provinces, and

the City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67; It follows

that if Amsterdam hath paid 4000 l. Flemish per diem, or

about 1400000 l. per annum, or 800000 l. Sterling; that all

Holland and Zealand, have paid 2100000 l. per annum: Now

the reasons why I think they pay so much, are these, viz.

1. The Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so.

2. Excise of Victual at Amsterdam, seems above half

the Original value of the same, viz.

Ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the

Last; Beer 1 13 Stivers the Barrel, Housing 1/6 of Rent

Fruit of what it cost; other Commodities 1/7, 1/9, 1/122; Salt

ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the Premisses a

vast summ; now if the expence of the People of Amsterdam

at a medium, and without Excise were 8 l. per annum,

whereas in England `tis 7 l. then if all the several Imposts

above named, raise it Five Pound more, there being 160000

Souls in Amsterdam, the summ of 800000 l. Sterling per

annum will thereby be raised.

3. Though the expence of each head, should be 13 l. per

annum; `tis well known that there be few in Amsterdam,

who do not earn much more than the said expence.

4. If Holland and Zealand pay p. an. 2100000 l. then all

the Provinces together, must pay about 3000000 l. less than

which summ per annum, perhaps is not sufficient to have

maintained the Naval War with England; 72000 Land

Forces, besides all other the ordinary Charges of their

Government, whereof the Church is there apart: To con-

clude, it seems from the Premisses, that all France doth not

raise above thrice as much from the publick charge, as

Holland and Zealand alone do.

5. Interest of Money in France, is 7 l. per cent. but in

Holland scarce half so much.

6. The Countries of Holland and Zealand; consisting as

it were of Islands guarded with the Sea, Shipping, and

Marshes, is defensible at one fourth of the charge, that a

plain open Country is, and where the feat of War may be

both Winter and Summer; whereas in the others, little can

be done but in the Summer only.

7. But above all the particulars hitherto considered, that

of superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in; for if a Prince

have never so many Subjects, and his Country be never so

good, yet if either through sloth, or extravagant expences, or

Oppression and Injustice, whatever is gained shall be spent

as fast as gotten, that State must be accounted poor;

wherefore let it be considered, how much or how many times

rather, Holland and Zealand are now above what they were

100 years ago, which we must also do of France: Now if

France hath scarce doubled its Wealth and Power, and that

the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to

the latter, even although the 9/10 increased by the one, should

not exceed the one half gained by the other, because one

has a store for Nine Years, the other but for one.

To conclude, upon the whole it seems, that though

France be in People to Holland and Zealand as 13 to 1, and

in quantity of good Land, as 80 to one, yet it is not 13 times

richer and stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above

thrice, which was to be proved.

Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the

first Principal conclusion; it follows, to shew that this

difference of Improvement in Wealth and Strength, arises

from the Situation, Trade, and Policy of the places re-

spectively; and in particular from Conveniencies for Shipping

and Water Carriage.

Many Writing on this Subject do so magnifie the

Hollanders' as if they were more, and all other Nations less

than Men (as to the matters of Trade and Policy) making

them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes, and Sots, as to those

particulars; whereas I take the Foundation of their atchieve-

ments to lie originally in the Situation of the Country,

whereby they do things inimitable by others, and have

advantages whereof others are incapable.

First, The Soil of Holland and Zealand is low Land,

Rich and Fertile; whereby it is able to feed many Men, and

so as that Men may live near each other, for their mutual

assistance in Trade. I say, that a Thousand Acres, that

can feed 1000 Souls, is better than 10000 Acres of no more

effect, for the following reasons, viz.

1. Suppose some great Fabrick were in Building by a

Thousand Men, shall not much more time be spared if they

lived all upon a Thousand Acres, then if they were forced to

live upon ten times as large a Scope of Land.

2. The charge of the cure of their Souls, and the

Ministry would be far greater in one case than in the other;

as also of mutual defence in case of Invasion, and even of

Thieves and Robbers: Moreover the charge of the ad-

ministration of Justice would be much easier, where Witnesses

and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less

expensive, when Mens Actions would be better known, when

wrongs and injuries could not be covered, as in thin peopled

places they are.

Lastly, those who live in Solitary places, must be their

own Soldiers, Divines, Physicians, and Lawyers; and must

have their Houses stored with necessary Provisions (like a

Ship going upon a long Voyage,) to the great wast, and

needless expence of such Provisions. The value of this first

convenience to the Dutch, I reckon or estimate to he ahout

100000 1. per annum.

2ly. Holland is a Level Country, so as in any part

thereof, a Windmill may he set up, and hy its heing moist

and vaporous, there is always wind stirring over it, by which

advantage the labor of many thousand Hands is saved,

forasmuch as a Mill made by one Man in half a year, will do

as much Labor, as four Men for Five Years together. This

advantage is greater or less, where employment or ease of

Labour is so; but in Holland `tis eminently great, and the

worth of this conveniency is near an Hundred and Fifty

Thousand Pounds.

3ly. There is much more to be gained by Manufacture

than Husbandry, and by Merchandize than Manufacture;

but Holland and Zealand, being seated at the mouths of

three long great Rivers, and passing through Rich Countries,

do keep all the Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers

hut as Husbandmen, whilst themselves are the Manufactors

of their Commodities, and do dispence them into all Parts of

the World, making returns for the same, at what prices

almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the

Keys of Trade of those Countries, through which the said

Rivers pass; the value of this third conveniency, I suppose

to be 200000 l.

4ly. In Holland and Zealand, there is scarce any place

of work, or business one Mile distant from a Navigable

Water, and the charge of Water carriage is generally but 1/15

or part of Land carriage; Wherefore if there be as much

Trade there as in France, then the Hollanders can out-sell the

French 14/15 of all the expence, of all Travelling Postage and

carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be

300000 1. p. an. where the very Postage of Letters, costs the

People perhaps 50000 l. per annum, though Farmed at much

less, and all other Labour of Horses, and Porters, at least six

times as much ; The value of this conveniency I estimate

to be above Three Hundred Thousand pounds per annum.

5. The defensibleness of the Country, by reason of its

Situation in the Sea upon Islands, and in the Marshes,

Impassible ground Diked and Trenched, especially con-

sidering how that place is aimed at for its Wealth; I say the

charge of defending that Country, is easier than if it were a

plain Champion, at least 200000 1. per annum.

6. Holland is so considerable for keeping Ships in

Harbour with small expence of Men, and ground Tackle,

that it saves per annum 200000 l. of what must be spent in

France. Now if all these natural advantages do amount to

above one Million per annum Profits, and that the Trade of

all Europe, nay of the whole World, with which our Europeans

do Trade, is not above 45 Millions p. an. and if of the

value be 1/7 of the Profit, it is plain that the Ho/lander may

Command and Govern the whole Trade.

7. Those who have their Situation thus towards the Sea,

and abound with Fish at home, and having also the

command of Shipping, have by consequence the Fishing

Trade, whereof that of Herring alone, brings more yearly

Profit to the Hollanders than the Trade of the West-Indies to

Spain, or of the East to themselves, as many have affirmed,

being as the same say viis & modis of above three Millions

per annum Profit.

8. It is not to be doubted, but those who have the

Trade of Shipping and Fishing, will secure themselves of

the Trade of Timber for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Cask; of

Hemp for Cordage, Sails, and Nets; of Salt, of Iron; as also

of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Brimstone, Oil, and Tallow, as necessary

Appurtenances to Shipping and Fishing.

9. Those who predominate in Shipping, and Fishing,

have more occasions than others to frequent all parts of the

World, and to observe what is wanting or redundant every

where, and what each People can do, and what they desire,

and consequently to be the Factors, and Carriers for the

whole World of Trade. Upon which ground they bring all

Native Commodities to be Manufadured at home, and carry

the same back, even to that Country in which they grew,

all which we see.

For, do they not work the Sugars of the West-Indies?

The Timber and Iron of the Baltick? The Hemp of Russia?

The Lead, Tin, and Wooll of England? The Quick-silver

and Silk of Italy? The Yarns, and Dying Stuffs of Turkey,

&c. To be short, in all the ancient States, and Empires,

those who had the Shipping, had the Wealth, and if 2 per

Cent, in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Cent. in

the gain: it is manifest that they who can in forty five

Millions, undersel others by one Million, (upon accompt of

natural1, and intrinsick advantages only) may easily have the

Trade of the World without such Angelical Wits and

Judgments, as some attribute to the Ho/landers.

Having thus done with their Situation, I come now to

their Trade.

It is commonly seen, that each Country flourisheth in the

Manufacture of its own Native Commodities, viz. England

for woollen Manufacture, France for Paper, Luic-land for

Iron Ware, Portugal for Confectures, Italy for Silks; upon

which Principle it follows, that Holland and Zealand must

flourish most in the Trade of Shipping, and so become

Carriers and Factors of the whole World of Trade. Now the

advantages of the Shipping Trade are as followeth, vis.

Husbandmen, Seamen, Soldiers, Artizans and Merchants,

are the very Pillars of any Common-Wealth; all the other

great Professions, do rise out of the infirmities, and mis-

carriages of these; now the Seaman is three of these four.

For every Seaman of industry and ingenuity, is not only a

Navigator, but a Merchant, and also a Soldier; not because

he hath often occasion to fight, and handle Arms; but

because he is familiarized with hardship and hazards, ex-

tending to Life and Limbs; for Training and Drilling is a

small part of Soldiery, in respect of this last mentioned

Qualification; the one being quickly and presently learned,

the other not without many years most painful experience:

wherefore to have the occasion of abounding in Seamen, is a

vast conveniency.

2. The Husbandman of England earns but about 4s. per

Week, but the Seamen have as good as 12s. in Wages,

Victuals (and as it were housing) with other accommodations,

so as a Seaman is in effect three Husbandmen; wherefore

there is little Ploughing, and Sowing of Corn in Ho/land and

Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle: but their Land is

improved by building Houses, Ships, Engines, Dikes, Wharfs,

Gardens of pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits; for

Dairy and feeding of Cattle, for Rape, Flax, Madder, &c.

The Foundations of several advantageous Manufactures.

3. Whereas the Employment of other Men is confined

to their own Country, that of Seamen is free to the whole

World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead here

or there, now and then, it is certain that some where or

other in the World Trade is always quick enough, and

Provisions are always plentiful, the benefit whereof, those

who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.

4. The great and ultimate effect of Trade is not Wealth

at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and

Jewels, which are not perishable, nor so mutable as other

Commodities, but are Wealth at all times, and all places:

Whereas abundance of Wine, Corn, Fowls, Flesh, &c. are

Riches but hic & nunc, so as the raising of such Commodities,

and the following of such Trade, which does store the

Country with Gold, Silver, Jewels, &c. is profitable before

others. But the Labour of Seamen, and Freight of Ships, is

always of the nature of an Exported Commodity, the overplus

whereof, above what is Imported, brings home mony, &c.

5. Those who have the command of the Sea Trade, may

Work at easier Freight with more profit, than others at

greater: for as Cloth must be cheaper made, when one

Cards, another Spins, another Weaves, another Draws, an-

other Dresses, another Presses and Packs; than when all the

Operations above-mentioned, were clumsily performed by the

same hand; so those who command the Trade of Shipping,

can build long slight Ships for carrying Masts, Fir-Timber,

Boards, Balks, &c. And short ones for Lead, Iron, Stones.

&c. One sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports where they need

never lie a ground, others where they must jump upon the

Sand twice every twelve hours; One sort of Vessels, and

way of manning in time of Peace, and cheap gross

Goods, another for War and precious Commodities; One

sort of Vessels for the turbulent Sea, another for Inland

Waters and Rivers; One sort of Vessels, and Rigging, where

haste is requisite for the Maidenhead of a Market, another

where 1/5 or 1/4 part of the time makes no matter. One sort of

Masting and Rigging for long Voyages, another for Coasting.

One sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade. One

sort for War for this or that Country, another for Burthen

only. Some for Oars, some for Poles, some for Sails, and

some for draught by Men or Horses, some for the Northern

Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South against

Worms, &c. And this I take to be the chief of several

Reasons, why the Hollanders can go at less Freight than

their Neighbours, viz, because they can afford a particular sort

of Vessels for each particular Trade.

I have shewn how Situation hath given them Shipping,

and how Shipping hath given them in effect all other

Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much

Manufacture as they can manage themselves, and as for the

overplus, make the rest of the World but as Workmen to

their Shops. It now remains to shew the effects of their

Policy, superstructed upon these natural advantages, and not

as some think upon the excess of their Understandings.

I have omitted to mention the Hollanders were one

hundred years since, a poor and oppressed People, living in a

Country naturally cold and unpleasant: and were withal

persecuted for their Heterodoxy in Religion.

From hence it necessarily follows, that this People must

Labour hard, and set all hands to Work: Rich and Poor,

Young and Old, must study the Art of Number, Weight,

and Measure; must fare hard, provide for Impotents, and

for Orphans, out of hope to make profit by their Labours:

must punish the Lazy by Labour, and not by cripling them:

I say, all these particulars, said to be the subtile excogit-

ations of the Hollanders, seem to me, but what could not

almost have been otherwise.

Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Conveyances, small

Customs, Banks, Lumbards, and Law Merchant, rise all from

the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea; as for lowness

of Interest, it is also a necessary effect of all the premisses,

and not the Fruit of their contrivance.

Wherefore we shall only shew in particular the efficacy

of each, and first of Liberty of Conscience; but before I

enter upon these, I shall mention a Practice almost forgotten,

(whether it referreth to Trade or Policy is not material,)

which is, the Hollanders undermasting, and sailing such of

their Shipping, as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose

Sale doth not depend much upon Season.

It is to be noted, that of two equal and like Vessels, if

one spreads one thousand six hundred Yards of like Canvase,

and the other two thousand five hundred, their speed is but

as four to five, so as one brings home the same Timber in

four days, as the other will in five. Now if we consider that

although those Ships be but four or five days under Sail, that

they are perhaps thirty upon the Voyage; so as the one is

but part longer upon the whole Voyage than the other,

though one fifth longer under Sail. Now if Masts, Yards,

Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do all depend upon the

quantity and extent of the Sails, and consequently hands

also; it follows, that the one Vessel, goes at one third less

charge, losing but one thirtieth of the time, and of what

depends thereupon.

I now come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz. Liberty

of Conscience; which I conceive they grant upon these

Grounds. (But keeping up always a Force to maintain the

Common Peace,) 1. They themselves broke with Spain, to

avoid the imposition of the Clergy. 2. Dissenters of this

kind, are for the most part, thinking, sober, and patient Men,

and such as believe that Labour and Industry is their Duty

towards God. (How erroneous soever their Opinions be.)

3. These People believing the Justice of God, and seeing

the most Licentious persons, to enjoy most of the World,

and its best things, will never venture to be of the same

Religion and Profession with Voluptuaries, and Men of

extreme Wealth and Power, who they think have their

Portion in this World.

4. They cannot but know, That no Man can believe

what himself pleases, and to force Men to say they believe

what they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.

5. The Hollanders knowing themselves not to be an

Infallible Church, and that others had the same Scripture for

Guides as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save

their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their

business; not more than to take Bonds of the Seamen they

employ, not to cast away their own Ships and Lives.

6. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain,

(especially the latter) the Churchmen are about one hundred

for one, to what they use or need; the principal care of

whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a

superfluous charge.

7. They observe where most indeavours have been used

to keep Uniformity, there Heterodoxy hath most abounded.

8. They believe that if 1/4 of the People were Heterodox,

and that if that whole quarter should by Miracle be re-

moved, that within a small time 1/4 of the remainder would

again become Heterodox some way or other, it being natural

for Men to differ in Opinion in matters above Sense and

Reason: and for those who have less Wealth, to think they

have the more Wit and Understanding, especially of the

things of God, which they think chiefly belong to the Poor.

9. They think the case of the Primitive Christians, as it

is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that of

the present Dissenters, (I mean externally.) Moreover it is

to be observed that Trade doth not (as some think) best

flourish under Popular Governments, but rather that Trade is

most vigorously carried on, in every State and Government,

by the Heterodox part of the same, and such as profess

Opinions different from what are publickly established: (that

is to say) in India where the Mahometan Religion is Author-

ized, there the Banians are the most considerable Merchants.

In the Turkish Empire the Jews, and Christians. At Venice,

Naples, Legorn, Genoua, and Lisbone, Jews, and Non-Papist

Merchant-Strangers: but to be short, in that part of Europe,

where the Roman Catholick Religion now hath, or lately

hath had Establishment; there three quarters of the whole

Trade, is in the hands of such as have separated from the

Church (that is to say) the Inhabitants of England, Scotland,

and Ireland, as also those of the United Provinces, with

Denmark, Sueden, and Norway, together with the Subjects of

the German Protestant Princes, and the Hans Towns, do at

this day possess three quarters of the Trade of the World;

and even in France it self, the Hugonots are proportionably

far the greatest Traders; Nor is it to be denied but that in

Ireland, where the said Roman Religion is not Authorized,

there the Professors thereof have a great part of the Trade.

From whence it follows that Trade is not fixt to any

Species of Religion as such; but rather as before hath been

said to the Hetrodox part of the whole, the truth whereof

appears also in all the particular Towns of greatest Trade in

England; nor do I find reason to believe, that the Roman

Catholick Seamen in the whole World, are sufficient to

Man effectually a Fleet equal to what the King of England

now hath; but the Non-papist Seamen, can do above thrice

as much. Wherefore he whom this latter Party doth af-

fectionately own to be their Head, cannot probably be

wronged in his Sea-concernments by the other; from whence

it follows, that for the advancement of Trade, (if that be a

sufficient reason) Indulgence must be granted in matters of

Opinion; though licentious actings as even in Holland, be

restrained by force.

The second Policy or help to Trade used by the

Hollanders, is securing the Titles to Lands and Houses; for

although Lands and Houses may be called Terra Firma &

res immobilis, yet the Title unto them is no more certain,

than it pleases the Lawyers and Authority to make them

wherefore the Hollanders do by Registries, and other ways of

Assurance make the Title as immovable as the Lands, for

there can be no incouragement to Industry, where there is no

assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where by fraud

and corruption, one Man may take away with ease and by

a trick, and in a moment what another has gotten by many

Years' extreme labour and pains.

There hath been much discourse, about introducing of

Registries into England; the Lawyers for the most part

object against it, alledging that Titles of Land in England

are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the con-

siderations of small and oblique reasons pro & contra, it were

good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several

Courts, to what summ or value Purchasers have been

damnified for this last ten Years, by such fraudulent con-

veyances as Registries would have prevented; the tenth part

whereof at a Medium, is the annual loss which the People

sustain for want of them, and then computation is to be

made of the annual charge of Registring such extraordinary

Conveyances, as would secure the Title of Lands; now by

comparing these two summs, the Question so much agitated

may be determined; though some think that though few are

actually damnified, yet that all are hindered by fear and

deterred from Dealing.

Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to

encrease Mony, or rather to make a small summ equivalent

in Trade to a greater, for the effecting whereof these things

are to be considered. 1.. How much Money will drive the

Trade of the Nation. 2. How much current Money there is

actually in the Nation. 3. How much Money will serve to

make all payments of under 50 l.. or any other more con-

venient summ throughout the Year. 4. For what summ the

keepers of the Bank are unquestionable Security: If all

these four particulars be well known, then it may also be

known, how much of the ready Money above mentioned may

safely and profitably be lodged in the Bank, and to how

much ready current Money the said deposited Money is

equivalent. As for example, suppose a Hund. thous. Pounds

will drive the Trade of the Nation, & suppose there be but

Sixty thousand Pounds of ready Money in the same;

suppose also that Twenty thous. Pounds will drive on and

answer all Payments made of under 50 l. In this case Forty

of the Sixty being put into the Bank, will be. equivalent to

Eighty, which eighty and twenty kept out of the Bank do

make up an Hundred, (that is to say) enough to drive the

Trade as was proposed; where note that the Bank keepers

must be responsible for double the summ intrusted with

them, and must have power to levy upon the general, what

they happen to loose unto particular Men.

Upon which grounds, the Bank may freely make use of

the received Forty thousand Pounds, whereby the said summ,

with the like summ in Credit makes Eighty thousand

Pounds, and with the Twenty reserved an Hundred.

I might here add many more particulars, but being the

e same as have already been noted by others, I shall conclude

only with adding one observation which I take to be of

consequence, viz. That the Hollanders do rid their hands of

two Trades, which are of greatest turmoil and danger, and

yet of least profit; the first whereof is that of a common and

private Soldier, for such they can hire from England; Scot-

land, and Germany, to venture their lives for Six pence a

day, whilst themselves safely and quietly follow such Trades,

whereby the meanest of them gain six times as much, and

withal by this entertaining of Strangers for Soldiers; their

Country becomes more and more peopled, forasmuch as the

Children of such Strangers, are Hollanders and take to

Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted ad infinitum;

besides these Soldiers at convenient intervals, do at least as

much work as is equivalent to what they spend, and

consequently by this way of employing of Strangers for

Soldiers, they People the Country and save their own

Persons from danger and misery, without any real expence,

effecting by this method, what others have in vain attempted

by Laws for Naturalizing of Strangers, as if Men could be

charmed to transplant themselves from their own Native,

into a Foreign Country merely by words, and for the bare.

leave of being called by a new Name. In Ireland Laws of

Naturalization have had little effect, to bring in Aliens, and

`tis no wonder, since English Men will not go thither without

they may have the pay of Soldiers, or some other advantage

amounting to maintenance.

Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do

increase their People, 1 shall here digress to set down the

way of computing the value of every Head one with

another, and that by the instance of People in England, viz.

Suppose the People of England be Six Millions in number,

that their expence at 7 1. per Head be forty two Millions:

suppose also that the Rent of the Lands be eight Millions,

and the profit of all the Personal Estate be Eight Millions

more ; it must needs follow, that the Labour of the

People must have supplyed the remaining Twenty Six

Millions, the which multiplied by Twenty (the Mass of

Mankind being worth Twenty Years purchase as well as

Land) makes Five Hundred and Twenty Millions, as the

value2 of the whole People: which number divided by Six

Millions, makes above 80 l. Sterling, to be valued of each

Head of Man, Woman, and Child, and of adult Persons twice

as much; from whence we may learn to compute the loss we

have sustained by the Plague, by the Slaughter of Men in

War, and by the sending them abroad into the Service of

Foreign Princes. `The other Trade of which the Hollanders

have rid their Hands, is the old Patriarchal. Trade of being

Cow-keepers, and in a great Measure of that which concerns

Ploughing and Sowing of Corn, having put that Employment

upon the Danes and Polanders, from whom they have their

Young Cattle and Corn. Now here we may take notice,

that as Trades and curious Arts increase; so the Trade of

Husbandry will decrease, or else the Wages of Husband men

must rise, and consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.

For proof whereof I dare affirm, that if all the Husband-

men of England, who now earn but 8 d. a day or thereabouts,

could become Tradesmen and earn 16d. a day (which is no

great Wages 2 s. and 2S. 6 d. being usually given) that then

it would be the advantage of England to throw up their

Husbandry, and to make no use of their Lands, but for

Grass Horses, Milch Cows, Gardens, and Orchards, &c. which

if it be so, and if Trade and Manufacture have increased in

England (that is to say) if a greater part of the People,

apply themselves to those faculties, than there did heretofore,

and if the price of Corn be no greater now, than when

Husbandmen were more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer;

It follows from that single reason (though others may be

added) that the Rents of Land must fall: As for example,

suppose the price of Wheat he 5 s. or 60 pence the Bushel;

now if the Rent of the Land whereon it grows, be the third

Sheaf; then of the 6od. 20d. is for the Land, and 40d. for

the Husbandman; But if the Husbandmans Wages, should

rise one eighth part, or from 8 d. to 9 d. per Diem, then the

Husbandmans share in the Bushel of Wheat, rises from 40d.

to 45 d. And consequently the Rent of the Land must fall

from 20 d. to 15 d. for we suppose the price of the Wheat

still remains the same: Especially since we cannot raise it,

for if we did attempt it, Corn would be brought in to us,

(as into Holland from Foreign Parts, where the State of

Husbandry was not changed.

And thus I have done with the first principal Conclusion,

that, A smnal/ Territory, and even a few People, mnay by Situa-

tion, Trade, and Polity, be made equivalent to a greater; and

that convenience for Shipping, and Water-carriage, do most

eminently and fundamentally conduce thereun to.


That some kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, may rather

increase than diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom.

IF the Money or other Effects, levyed from the People by

way of Tax, were destroyed and annihilated; then `tis

clear, that such Levies would diminish the Commonwealth:

Or if the same were exported out of the Kingdom without

any return at all, then the case would be also the same or

worse': But if what is levyed as aforesaid, be only transferred

from one hand to another, then we are only to consider

whether the said Money or Commodities, are taken from

an improving hand, and given to an ill Husband, or vice

versa: As for example, suppose that Money by way of

Tax, be taken from one who spendeth the same in superfluous

eating and drinking; and delivered to another who em-

ployeth the same, in improving of Land; in Fishing, in

working of Mines, in Manufacture, &c. It is manifest, that

such Tax is an advantage to the State whereof the said

different Persons are Members: Nay, if Money be taken

from him, who spendeth the same as aforesaid upon eating

and drinking, or any other perishing Commodity; and the

same transferr'd to one that bestoweth it on Cloaths; I say,

that even in this case, the Commonwealth hath some little

advantage; because Cloaths do not altogether perish so soon

as Meats and Drinks: But if the same be spent in Furniture

of Houses, the advantage is yet a little more; if in Building

of Houses, yet more; if in improving of Lands; working of

Mines, Fishing, &c. yet more; but most of all, in bringing

Gold and Silver into the Country: Because those things are

not only not perishable, but are esteemed for Wealth at all

times, and every where: Whereas other Commodities which

are perishable, or whose value depends upon the Fashion; or

which are contingently scarce and plentiful, are wealth, but

pro hic & nunc, as shall be elsewhere said

In the next place if the People of any Country, who have

not already a full employment, should be enjoyned or Taxed

to work upon such Commodities as are Imported from abroad;

I say, that such a Tax, also doth improve the Commonwealth.

Moreover, if Persons who live by begging, cheating,

stealing, gaming, borrowing without intention of restoring;

who by those ways do get from the credulous and careless,

more than is sufficient for the subsistence of such Persons

I say, that although the State should have no present

employment for such Persons, and consequently should be

forced to bear the whole charge of their livelyhood; yet it

were more for the publick profit to give all such Persons, a

regular and competent allowance by Publick Tax; than to

suffer them to spend extravagantly, at the only charge of

careless, credulous, and good natured People: And to expose

the Commonwealth to the loss of so many able Men, whose

lives are taken away, for the crimes which ill Discipline doth


On the contrary, If the Stocks of laborious and ingenious

Men, who are not only beautifying the Country where they

live by elegant Dyet, Apparrel, Furniture, Rousing, pleasant

Gardens, Orchards, and Publick Edifices, &c. But are also

increasing the Gold, Silver, and Jewels of the Country by

Trade and Arms; I say, if the Stock of these Men should be

diminished by a Tax, and transferred to such as do nothing

at all, but eat and drink, sing, play, and dance; nay to such

as study the Metaphysicks, or other needless Speculation; or

else employ themselves in any other way, which produce no

material thing, or things of real use and value in the Com-

monwealth: In this case, the Wealth of the Publick will be

diminished: Otherwise than as such exercises, are recreations

and refreshments of the mind; and which being moderately

used, do qualifie and dispose Men to what in it self is more


Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a

Tax will do good or harm: The State of the People, and

their employments, must be well known; (that is to say,)

what part of the People are unfit for Labour by their

Infancy or Impotency; and also what part are exempt from

the same, by reason of their Wealth, Function, or Dignities;

or by reason of their charge and employments; otherwise

than in governing, directing and preserving those, who are

appointed to Labour and Arts.

2. In the next place computation must be made, what

part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts as aforesaid,

are able to perform the work of the Nation in its present

State and Measure.

3. It is to be considered, whether the remainder can

make all or any part of those Commodities, which are

Imported from abroad; which of them, and how much in

particular: The remainder of which sort of People (if any

be) may safely and without possible prejudice to the Com-

monwealth, be employed in Arts and Exercises of pleasure

and ornament; the greatest whereof is the Improvement of

natural knowledge.

Having thus in general illustrated this point, which I

think needs no other proof but illustration; I come next to

intimate that no part of Europe hath paid so much by way

of Tax, and publick contribution, as Holland and Zealand

for this last 100 Years; and yet no Country hath in the same

time, increased their Wealth comparably to them: And it

is manifest they have followed the general considerations

above-mentioned; for they Tax Meats and Drinks most

heavily of all; to restrain the excessive expence of those

things, which 24 hours doth (as to the use of Man,) wholly

annihilate; and they are more favourable to Commodities

of greater duration.

Nor do they Tax according to what Men gain, but in

extraordinary cases; but always according to what Men

spend: And most of all, according to what they spend

needlesly, and without prospect of return. Upon which

grounds, their Customs upon Goods Imported and Exported,

are generally low; as if they intended by them, only to keep

an account of their Foreign Trade; and to retaliate upon

their Neighbour States, the prejudices done them, by their

Prohibitions and Impositions.

It is further to be observed, that since the Year 1636, the

Taxes and Publick Levies made in England; Scotland; and

Ireland, have been prodigiously greater than at any time

heretofore; and yet the said Kingdoms have increased in

their Wealth and Strength, for these last Forty Years, as

shall hereafter be shewn.

It is said that the King of France, at present doth Levy

the Fifth Part of his Peoples Wealth; and yet great Osten-

tation is made of the Present Riches and Strength of that

Kingdom. Now great care must be had in distinguishing

between the Wealth of the People, and that of an absolute

Monarch; who taketh from the People, where, when, and in

what proportion he pleaseth. Moreover, the Subjects of

two Monarchs may be equally Rich, and yet one Monarch

may be double as Rich as the other; viz. If one take the

tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose, and

the other but the 20th. nay the Monarch of a poorer People,

may appear more splendid and glorious, than that of a

Richer; which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France,

as hereafter shall be examined. As an instance and applica-

tion of what hath been said, I conceive that in Ireland

wherein are about 1200 Thousand People, and near 300

Thousand Smokes or Hearths; It were more tolerable for

the People, and more profitable for the King; that each

Head paid 2s. worth of Flax, than that each smoke should

pay 2 s. in Silver; And that for the following reasons.

1. Ireland being under peopled, and Land, and Cattle

being very cheap; there being every where store of Fish

and Fowl; the ground yielding excellent Roots (and par-

ticularly that bread-like root Potatoes) and withal they

being able to perform their Husbandry, with such harness

and tackling, as each Man can make with his own hands;

and living in such Houses as almost every Man can build;

and every House-wife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool

and Yarn, they can live and subsist after their present

fashion, without the use of Gold or Silver Money; and can

supply themselves with the necessaries above named, without

labouring 2 Hours per diem: Now it hath been found, that

by reason of Insolvencies arising, rather from the uselessness

than want of Money among these poor People; that from

300 Thousand Hearths, which should have yielded 30 Thou-

sand Pound per annum; not 15 Thousand Pound of Money

could be Levyed: Whereas it is easily imagined, that four or

five People dwelling in that Cottage, which hath but one

smoke; could easily have planted a ground-plot of about

40 foot square with Flax; or the 50 part of an Acre; for so

much ground will bear eight or ten Shillings worth of that

Commodity; and the Rent of so much ground, in few places

amounts to a penny per annum. Nor is there any skill

requisite to this practice, wherewith the Country is not

already familiar. Now as for a Market for the Flax ; there

is Imported into Holland it self, over and above what that

Country produces; as much Flax, as is there sold for be-

tween Eightscore and Two Hundred Thousand Pound; and

into England and Ireland is Imported as much Linnen Cloth

made of Flax, and there spent, as is worth above ½ a Million

of Money. As shall hereafter be shewn.

Wherefore having shewn, that Silver Money is useless to

the poor People of Ireland; that half the Hearth Money

could not be raised by reason thereof; that the People are

not a fifth part employed; that the People and Land of

Ireland, are competently qualified for Flax; That one Penny-

worth of Land, will produce Ten Shillings worth of the

same; and that there is Market enough and enough, for

above an Hundred Thousand Pounds worth; I conceive

my Proposition sufficiently proved; at least to set forwards

and promote a practice, which both the present Law and

Interest of the Country doth require: Especially, since if

all the Flax so produced should yield nothing, yet there is

nothing lost; the same time having been worse spent before.

Upon the same grounds, the like Tax of 2s. per Head, may

be raised with the like advantage upon the People of

England; which will amount to Six Hundred Thousand

Pound per annum; to be paid in Flax, Manufactured, into

all the sorts of Linnens, Threds, Tapes, and Laces; which we

now receive from France, Flanders, Holland, and Germany;

the value whereof doth far exceed the summ last mentioned,

as hath appeared by the examination of particulars.

It is observed by Clothiers, and others, who employ great

numbers of poor people, that when Corn is extremely plen-

tiful, that the Labour of the poor is proportionably dear:

And scarce to be had at all (so licentious are they who

labour only to eat, or rather to drink.) Wherefore when

so many Acres sown with Corn, as do usually produce a

sufficient store for the Nation, shall produce perhaps double

to what is expected or necessary; it seems not unreasonable

that this common blessing of God, should be applied, to the

common good of all people, represented by their Sovereign;

much rather than the' same should be abused, by the vile

and brutish part of mankind, to the prejudice of the Com-

mon-Wealth: And consequently, that such surplusage of

Corn, should be sent to publick Store-houses; from thence

to be disposed of, to the best advantage of the Publick.

Now if the Corn spent in England, at five shillings per

Bushel Wheat, and two shillings six pence Barley, be worth

ten Millions Communibus annis; it follows that in years of

great plenty, when the said Grains are one third part

cheaper; that a vast advantage might accrue to the Common-

Wealth, which now is spent in over-feeding of the People,

in quantity or quality; and so indisposing them to their

usual Labour.

The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper;

which custom hath now made necessary to all sorts of

people; and which the over-planting of them, hath made

unreasonably cheap: I say it is not absurd, that the Publick

should be advantaged by this extraordinary plenty.

That an Excise should be laid upon Corrants also, is not

unreasonable; not only for this, but for other reasons also.

The way of the present Militia or Trained-Bands, is a

gentle Tax upon the Country; because it is only a few days

Labour in the year, of a few Men in respect of the whole;

using their own goods, that is their own Arms. Now if

there be three Millions of Males in England, there be above

two hundred thousand of them, who are between the age of

sixteen and thirty, unmarried persons; and who live by

their Labour and Service; for of so many or thereabouts,

the present Militia consists.

Now if an hundred and five thousand of these, were

Armed, and Trayned, as Foot; and fifty thousand as Horse;

(Horse being of special advantage in Islands) the said

Forces at Land, with thirty thousand Men at Sea; would

by Gods ordinary blessing. defend this Nation, being an

Island, against any Force in view: But the charge of

Arming, Disciplining, and Rendezvousing all these Men,

twice, or thrice a year: would be a very gentle Tax, Levyed

by the people themselves, and paid to themselves. Moreover

if out of the said number part were selected, of such as

are more than ordinarily fit and disposed for War, and to

be Exercised, and Rendezvoused fourteen or fifteen times

per annum; the charge thereof being but a fortnights Pay

in the year, would be also a very gentle Tax.

Lastly, If out of this last mentioned number, 1/3 again

should be selected, making about twelve thousand Foot,

and near six thousand Horse, to be Exercised, and Ren-

dezvoused forty days in the year; I say that the charge of

all these three Militias, allowing the latter six weeks Pay per

annum; would not cost above one hundred and twenty

thousand pound per annum; which I take to be an easie

burthen, for so great a benefit.

Forasmuch as the present Navy of England requires

thirty six thousand Men to Man it; and for that the English

Trade of Shipping, requires about forty eight thousand Men,

to manage it also; it follows, that to perform both well, there

ought to be about seventy two thousand Men, (and not eighty

four thousand) competently qualified for these Services:

For want whereof we see, that it is a long while, before a

Royal Navy can be manned; which till it be, is of no

effectual use, but lies at charge. And we see likewise upon

these occasions, that Merchants are put to great straights,

and inconveniences; and do pay excessive rates for the

carrying on their Trade. Now if twenty four thousand able

bodyed Tradesmen, were by six thousand of them per

annum, brought up and fitted for Sea-Service; and for

their incouragement allowed 20s. per annum for every year

they had been at Sea, even when they stay at home, not

exceeding 6 l. for those, who have served six years or upward;

it follows, that about 72000 l. at the medium of 3 1. per Man,

would Salariate the whole number of twenty four thousand

and so, forasmuch as half the Seamen, which mannage the

Merchants Trade, are supposed to be always in Harbour,

and are about twenty four thousand Men, together with the

said half of the Auxilliaries last mentioned, would upon all

emergencies, Man out the whole Royal Navy with thirty six

thousand, and leaving to the Merchants twelve thousand of

the abler Auxilliaries, to perform their business in Harbour,

till others come home from Sea; and thus thirty six thousand,

twenty four thousand, and twelve thousand, make the seventy

two thousand above mentioned: I say that more than this

sum of 72000 l. is fruitlesly spent, and over paid by the

Merchants, whensoever a great Fleet is to be fitted out.

Now these whom I call Auxilliary Seamen, are such as have

another Trade besides, wherewith to maintain themselves,

when they are not employed at Sea; and the charge of

maintaining them, though 72000 l. per annum, I take to be

little or nothing, for the reasons above mentioned, and

consequently an easie Tax to the people, because Leavyed

by, and paid to themselves.

As we propounded that Ireland should be Taxed with

Flax, and England by Linnen, and other Manufacture of

the same; I conceive that Scotland also might be Taxed as

much, to be paid in Herrings, as Ireland in Flax: Now the

three Taxes (viz.) of Flax, Linnen, and Herrings, and the

maintainance of the triple Militia, and of the Auxiliary

Seamen above-mentioned, do all five of them together,

amount to one Million of mony, the raising whereof is not

a Million spent, but gain unto the Common-Wealth, unless

it can be made appear, that by reason of all, or any of them,

the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures, Lead, and Tin, are

lessened; or of such Commodities, as our own East and West

India Trade do produce, forasmuch as I conceive, that the

Exportation of these last mentioned Commodities, is the

Touch-stone whereby the Wealth of England is tryed, and the

Pulse whereby the Health of the Kingdom may be discerned.


That France cannot by reason of natural, and perpetual

Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English,

or Hollanders now are, or may be.

POwer at Sea consists chiefly of Men, able to fight at Sea,

and that in such Shipping, as is most proper for the

Seas wherein they serve; and those are in these Northern

Seas, Ships from between three hundred to one thousand

three hundred Tuns; and of those such as draw much Water,

and have a deep Latch in the Sea, in order to keep a good

Wind, and not to fall to Leeward, a matter of vast advantage

in Sea Service: Wherefore it is to be examined, 1. Whether

the King of France, hath Ports in the Northern Seas (where

he hath most occasion for his Fleets of War, in any contests

with England) able to receive the Vessels above-mentioned,

in all Weathers, both in Winter and Summer Season. For

if the King of France, would bring to Sea an equal number

of fighting Men, with the English and Hollanders, in small

floaty Leeward Vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker

side. For a Vessel of one thousand Tuns manned with five

hundred Men, fighting with five Vessels of two hundred Tuns,

each manned with one hundred Men apiece, shall in common

reason have the better offensively, and defensively; forasmuch

as the great Ship can carry such Ordnance, as can reach the

small ones at a far greater distance, than those can reach, or

at least hurt the other; and can batter, and sink at a distance,

when small ones can scarce peirce.

Moreover it is more difficult for Men out of a small

Vessel, to enter a tall Ship, than for Men from a higher

place, to leap down into a lower; nor is small shot so

effectual upon a tall Ship, as vice versa.

And as for Vessels drawing much water, and consequently

keeping a good Wind, they can take or leave Leeward Vessels,

at pleasure, and secure themselves from being boarded by

them: Moreover the windward Ship, has a fairer mark at

a Leeward Ship, than vice versa; and can place her shot

upon such parts of the Leeward Vessel, as upon the next

Tack will be under water.

Now then the King of France, having no Ports able to

receive large windward Vessels, between Dunkirk and

Ushant, what other Ships he can bring into those Seas,

will not be considerable. As for the wide Ocean, which his

Harbours of Brest, and Charente, do look into; it affordeth

him no advantage upon an Enemy; there being so great a

Latitude of engaging or not, even when the Parties are in

sight of each other.

Wherefore, although the King of France were immensely

rich, and could build what Ships he pleased, both for number,

and quality; yet if he have not Ports to receive, and shelter,

that sort and size of Shipping, which is fit for his purpose;

the said Riches will in this case be fruitless, and a mere

expence without any return, or profit. Some will say that

other Nations cannot build so good Ships as the English;

I do indeed hope they cannot; but because it seems too

possible, that they may sooner or later, by Practice and

Experience; I shall not make use of that Argument, having

bound my self to shew, that the impediments of France, (as

to this purpose) are natural, and perpetual. Ships, and Guns

do not fight of themselves, but Men who act and manage

them; wherefore it is more material to shew; That the King

of France, neither hath, nor can have Men sufficient, to Man

a Fleet, of equal strength to that of the King of England. (viz.)

The King of Englands Navy, consists of about seventy

thousand Tuns of Shipping, which requires thirty six thousand

Men to Man it; these Men being supposed to be divided into

eight parts, I conceive that one eighth part, must be persons

of great Experience, and Reputation, in Sea Service: another

eighth part must be such as have used the Sea seven years

I and upwards; half of them, or parts more, must be such

as have used the Sea above a twelvemonth, viz, two, three,

four, five, or six years, allowing but one quarter of the whole

Complements, to be such as never were at Sea at all, or at

most but one Voyage, or upon one Expedition; so that at a

medium I reckon, that the whole Fleet must be Men of three

or four years growth, one with another. Fournier, a late

judicious Writer, makeing it his business to persuade the

World, how considerable the King of France was, or might

be at Sea, in the ninety second and ninety third pages of his

Hydrography, saith, That there was one place in Britany,

which had furnished the King with one thousand four

hundred Seamen, and that perhaps the whole Sea-Coast

of France, might have furnished him with fifteen times as

many: Now supposing his whole Allegation were true, yet

the said number amounts but to twenty one thousand; all

which, if the whole Trade of Shipping in France were quite

and clean abandoned, would not by above a third, Man out

a Fleet equivalent, to that of the King of England: And if

the Trade were but barely kept alive, there would not be one

third part Men enough, to Man the said Fleet.

But if the Shipping Trade of France, be not above a

quarter as great as that of England, and that one third part

of the same, namely the Fishing Trade to the Banks of

Newfoundland, is not peculiar, nor fixt to the French; then

I say that if the King of England (having power to Press

Men) cannot under two or three months time Man his Fleet;

then the King of France, with less than a quarter of the same

help, can never do it at all; for in France (as shall elsewhere

be shewn) there are not above one hundred and fifty thousand

Tun of Trading Vessels, and consequently not above fifteen

thousand Seamen, reckoning a Man to every ten Tun. As

it has been shewn that the King of France, cannot at present

Man such a Fleet, as is above described, we come next to

shew that he never can, being under natural, and perpetual

Impediments: viz. 1. If there be but fifteen thousand Sea-

men in all France, to manage its Trade, it is not to be

supposed, that the said Trade should be extinguished, nor

that it should spare above five of the said fifteen thousand

towards manning the Fleet which requires thirty five thousand.

Now the deficient thirty thousand must be supplied, one

of these four ways, either, first by taking in Landmen, of

which sort there must not be above ten thousand, since the

Seamen will never be contented, without being the major

part, nor do they heartily wish well to Landmen at all, or

rejoyce even at those Successes, of which the Landmen can

claim any share; thinking it hard that themselves, who are

bred to miserable, painful, and dangerous Employments,

(and yet profitable to the Commonwealth) should at a time

when booty and purchase is to be gotten, be clogged or

hindered, by any conjunction with Landmen, or forced to

admit those, to an equal share with themselves. 2. The

Seamen which we suppose twenty thousand, must be had,

that is hired from other Nations, which cannot be without

tempting them with so much Wages, as exceeds what is

given by Merchants, and withal to counterpoise the danger

of being hanged by their own Prince, and allowed no Quarter

if they are taken; the trouble of conveying themselves away,

when Restraints and Prohibitions are upon them; and also

the infamy of having been Apostates, to their own Country,

and Cause: I say their Wages must be more than double, to

what their own Prince gives them, and their assurance must

be very great, that they shall not be at long run abused

or slighted by those who employed them; (as hating the

Traitor, although they love the Treason.) I say moreover,

that those who will be thus tempted away, must be of the

basest, and lewdest sort of Seamen, and such as have not

enough of Honour and Conscience, to qualifie them for any

Trust, or gallant Performance. 3. Another way to increase

Seamen, is to put great numbers of Landmen upon Ships of

War, in order to their being Seamen; but this course cannot

be effectual, not only for the above mentioned Antipathy,

between Landmen, and Seamen; but also, because it is

seen, that Men at Sea do not apply themselves to Labour

and Practice, without more necessity than happens in over-

manned Shipping. For where there are fifty Men in a

Vessel, that ten can sufficiently Navigate, the supernumerary

forty will improve little: But where there shall be of ten but

one or two supernumeraries, there necessity will often call

upon every Man to set his hand to the Work, which must

be well done at the peril of their own lives. Moreover

Seamen shifting Vessels almost every six or twelve months,

do sometimes Sail in small Barks, sometimes in midling

Ships, and sometimes in great Vessels of Defence; sometimes

in Lighters, sometimes in Hoighs, sometimes in Ketches,

sometimes in three Masted Ships, sometimes they go to the

Southward, sometimes to the Northward, sometimes the

Coast, sometimes they cross the Ocean; by all which variety

of Service, they do in time compleat themselves, in every

Part, and Circumstance of their Faculty: Whereas those

who go out for a Summer, in a Man of War, have not that

variety of Practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any thing

at all.

Besides it is three or four years at a medium, wherein a

Seaman must be made; neither can there be less than three

Seamen, to make a fourth, of a Landman: Consequently the

fifteen thousand Seamen of France, can increase but five

thousand Seamen in three or four years, and unless their

Trade should increase with their Seamen in proportion, the

King must be forced to bear the charge of this improvement,

out of the Publick Stock, which is intolerable. So as the

Question which now remains, is, whether the Shipping Trade

of France is like to increase? Upon which accompt it is to

be considered, 1. That France is sufficiently stored, with all

kind of Necessaries within it self; as with Corn, Cattle, Wine,

Salt, Linnen Cloth, Paper, Silk, Fruits, &c. So as they need

little Shipping, to Import more Commodities of Weight, or

Bulk; neither is there any thing of Bulk Exported out of

France, but Wines, and Salt; the weight where of is under

one hundred thousand Tun per annum, yielding not employ-

ment to above twenty five thousand Tun of Shipping, and

these are for the most part Dutch and English, who are not

only already in Possession of the said Trade, but also are

better fitted to maintain it, than the French are, or perhaps ever

can be: And that for the following Reasons. (viz.) 1. Because

the French cannot Victual so cheap as the English, and Dutch,

nor Sail with so few Hands. 2. The French, for want of good

Coasts and Harbours, cannot keep their Ships in Port, under

double the Charge that the English and Hollanders can.

3. by reason of Paucity, and distance of their Ports, one

from another, their Seamen and Tradesmen relating to

Shipping, cannot Correspond with, and Assist one another,

so easily, cheaply, and advantageously, as in other places.

Wherefore if their Shipping Trade, is not likely to increase

within themselves, and much less to increase, by their beating

out the English, and Hollanders, from being the Carriers of

the World; it follows, that their Seamen will not be increased,

by the increase of their said Trade: Wherefore, and for that

they are not like to be increased, by any of the several ways

above specified, and for that their Ports are not fit to receive

Ships of Burthen, and Quality, fit for their purpose; and

that by reason of the less fitness of their Ports, than that of

their Neighbours; I conceive, that what was propounded,

hath been competently proved.

The afore-named Fournier, in the ninety second and

ninety third pages of his Hydrography, hath laboured to

prove the contrary of all this, unto which I refer the Reader:

Not thinking his Arguments of any weight at all, in the

present case. Nor indeed doth he make his Comparisons,

with the English or Hollanders, but with the Spaniards, who,

nor the Grand Seignior, (the latter of whom hath greater

advantages, to be powerful at Sea than the King of France)

could ever attain to any illustrious greatness in Naval Power:

Having often attempted, but never succeeded in the same.

Nor is it easie to believe, that the King of England should

for so many years, have continued his Title to the Sovereignty

of the Narrow Seas, against his Neighbours (ambitious enough

to have gotten it from him) had not their Impediments been

Natural, and Perpetual, and such, as we say, do obstruct the

King of France.


That the People and Territories of the King of England, are

naturally near as considerable for Wealth and Strength,

as those of France.

THE Author of the State of England, among the many

useful truths, and observations he hath set down; delivers

the Proportion, between the Territories of England and France,

to be as Thirty to Eighty two; the which if it be true, then

England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them

belonging, will, taken all together, be near as big as France,

Tho I ought to take all advantages for proving the Paradox

in hand; yet I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and

Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned; together with the

Planted parts of Newfoundland, New-England, New-Nether-

land, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina, Jamaica, Burmoudas,

Barbadoes, and all the rest of the Carribby Islands, with

what the King hath in Asia and Africa, do not contain so

much Territory as France, and what Planted Land the King

of France hath also in America. And if any Man will be

Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest; I would be

contented against my knowledge and judgment, to allow

the King of France's Territories, to be a seventh, sixth, or

even a fifth greater, than those of the King of England;

believing that both Princes have more Land, than they do

employ to its utmost use.

And here I beg leave, (among the several matters which

I intend for serious,) to interpose a jocular, and perhaps

ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire Men to look

upon, rather as a Dream or Resvery, than a rational Propo-

sition; the which is, that if all the moveables and People of

Ireland, and of the Highlands of Scotland, were transported

into the rest of Great Brittain; that then the King and his

Subjects, would thereby become more Rich and Strong, both

offensively and defensively, than now they are.

`Tis true, I have heard many Wise Men say, when they

were bewailing the vast losses of the English, in preventing

and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland, and considering how

little profit hath returned, either to the King or Subjects of

England, for their Five Hundred Years doing and suffering

in that Country; I say, I have heard Wise Men (in such their

Melancholies) wish, that (the People of Ireland being saved)

Island were sunk under Water: Now it troubles me, that

the Distemper of my own mind in this point, carries me to

dream, that the benefit of those wishes, may practically be

obtained, without sinking that vast Mountainous Island under

Water, which I take to be somewhat difficult; For although

Dutch Engineers may drain its Bogs; yet I know no Artists

that could sink its Mountains. If Ingenious and Learned

Men (among whom I reckon Sir Tho. More, and Des Cartes)

have disputed, That we who think our selves awake, are or

may be really in a Dream; and since the greatest absurdities

of Dreams, are but a Preposterous and Tumultuary contexture

of realities; I will crave the umbrage of these great Men

last named, to say something for this wild conception, with

submission to the better judgment of all those that can prove

themselves awake.

If there were but one Man living in England, then the

benefit of the whole Territory, could be but the livelyhood of

that one Man: But if another Man were added, the rent or

benefit of the same would be double, if two, triple; and so

forward until so many Men were Planted in it, as the whole

Territory could afford Food unto: For if a Man would know,

what any Land is worth, the true and natural Question must

be, How many Men will it feed? How many Men are there

to be fed? But to speak more practically, Land of the same

quantity and quality in England, is generally worth four or

five times as much as in Ireland; and but one quarter, or

third of what it is worth in Holland; because England is four

or five times better Peopled than Ireland, and but a quarter

so well as Holland. And moreover, where the Rent of Land

is advanced by reason of Multitude of People; there the

number of Years purchase, for which the Inheritance may

be sold, is also advanced, though perhaps not in the very

same Proportion; for 20s. per annum in Ireland, may be

worth but 8 1. and in England where Titles are very sure,

above 201. in Holland above 30 l.

I suppose, that in Ireland and the High-Lands in Scotland,

there may be about one Million and Eight hundred thousand

People, or about a fifth part of what is in all the three King-

doms: Wherefore the first Question will be, whether England,

Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, cannot afford Food,

(that is to say) Corn, Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, to a fifth part

more People, than are at the present planted upon it, with

the same Labour that the said fifth part do now take where

they are? For if so, then what is propounded is naturally

possible. 2. It is to be enquired, What the value of the

immovables (which upon such removal must be left behind)

are worth? For if they be worth less, than the advancement

of the Price of Land in England will amount unto; then the

Proposal is to be considered. 3. If the Relict Lands, and

the immovables left behind upon them, may be sold for

Money; or if no other Nation shall dare meddle with them,

without paying well for them; and if the Nation who shall

be admitted, shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the

Transplantees into England then before; then I conceive

that the whole proposal will be a pleasant and a profitable

Dream indeed.

As to the first point, whether England and the Low-Lands

of Scotland, can maintain a fifth part more People than they

now do (that is to say) Nine Millions of Souls in all? For

answer thereunto, I first say, that the said Territories of

England, and the Low-Land of Scotland, contain about Thirty

Six Millions of Acres, that is four Acres for every Head,

Man, Woman, and Child; but the United Provinces do not

allow above one Acre and ½ and England it self rescinding

Wales, hath but Three Acres to every Head, according to

the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if we

consider that England having but three Acres to a Head as

aforesaid, doth so abound in Victuals, as that it maketh Laws

against the Importation of Cattle, Flesh, and Fish from

abroad; and that the draining of Fens, improving of Forests,

inclosing of Commons, Sowing of St. Foyne and Clovergrass, be

grumbled against by Landlords, as the way to depress the

price of Victuals; then it plainly follows, that less than three

Acres improved as it may be, will serve the turn, and conse-

quently that four will suffice abundantly. I could here set

down the very number of Acres, that would bear Bread and

Drink, Corn, together with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, sufficient

to victual Nine Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in

Ships, and regular Families; but shall only say in general;

that Twelve Millions of Acres viz. of 36 Millions, will do

it, supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fowl, and Fish, and the

ordinary profit of Lead, Tin, Iron-Mines, and Woods, would

piece up any defect, that may be feared.

As to the second, I say, that the Land and Housing in

Ireland, and the High-Lands of Scotland, at the present

Market rates, are not worth Thirteen Millions of Money;

nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation

proposed, amount to four Millions more: So then the

Question will be, whether the benefit expected from this

Transplantation, will exceed Seventeen Millions?

To which I say, that the advantage will probably be near

four times the last mentioned summ, or about Sixty nine

Millions, Three Hundred thousand Pounds. For if the Rent

of all England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland,

be about Nine Millions per annum; and if the fifth part of

the People be superadded, unto the present Inhabitants of

those Countries; then the Rent will amount unto Ten

Millions 8000 l. and the number of Years purchase, will

rise from seventeen and ½, to a Fifth part more, which is

twenty one. So as the Land which is now worth but Nine

Millions per annum, at seventeen ½ Years purchase, making

157 Millions and ½, will then be worth Ten Millions Eight

Hundred thousand Pounds, at Twenty one Years purchase;

viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions, and Eight Hundred

thousand Pounds, that is, Sixty nine Millions, and Three

Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before.

And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories, will

give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or half the present

value for the said relinquished Land, which are estimated to

be worth Thirteen Millions; then the whole profit, will be

above Seventy Five' Millions, and Eight Hundred 600 l.

Above four' times the loss, as the same was above computed.

But if any Man shall object, that it will be dangerous unto

England, that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other

Nation; I answer in short, that that Nation, whoever shall

purchase it (being divided by means of the said purchase,)

shall not be more able to annoy England, than now in its

united condition. Nor is Ireland nearer England, than

France and Flanders.

Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation,

how, and by what means, the Rents of Lands shall rise by

this closer cohabitation of People above described? I answer,

that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen

Hundred thousand People, from the poor and miserable

Trade of Husbandry, to more beneficial Handicrafts: For

when the superaddition is made, a very little addition of

Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more

of Food, and consequently the additional hands, earning 40s.

per annum (as they may very well do, nay to 8 l. per annum)

at some other Trade; the Superlucration will be above Three

Millions and Six Hundred thousand Pounds per annum,

which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy Millions. More-

over, as the inhabitants of Cities and Towns, spend more

Commodities, and make greater consumptions, than those

who live in wild thin peopled Countries; So when England

shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before described, the

very same People shall then spend more, than when they

lived more sordidly and inurbanely, and further asunder, and

more out of the sight, observation, and emulation of each

other; every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when

he appears in Company, than when he has no occasion to

be seen.

I further add, that the charge of the Government, Civil,

Military, and Ecclesiastical, would be more cheap, safe, and

effectual in this condition of closer co-habitation than other-

wise; as not only reason, but the example of the United

Provinces doth demonstrate.

But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream,

I suppose `twill serve to prove, that in case the King of

Englands Territories, should be a little less than those of

the King of France, that forasmuch as neither of them are

over-peopled, that the difference is not material to the

Question in hand; wherefore supposing the King of Frances

advantages, to be little or nothing in this point of Territory;

we come next to examine and compare, the number of

Subjects which each of these Monarchs doth govern.

The Book called the State of France, maketh that King-

dom to consist of Twenty Seven thousand Parishes; and

another Book written by a substantial Author, who professedly

inquires into the State of the Church and Churchmen of

France, sets it down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish

in France should have Six Hundred Souls; wherefore I

suppose that the paid Author (who hath so well examined

the matter) is not of opinion that every Parish, one with

another, hath above Five Hundred; by which reckoning the

whole People of France, are about Thirteen Millions and a

half; Now the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with

the lslands adjoyning, by computation from the numbers of

Parishes; which commonly have more People in Protestant

Churches, than in Popish Countries; as also from the Hearth-

money, Pole-money, and Excise, do amount to about Nine

Millions and 1/2.

There are in New-England, about 16000 Men mustered

in Arms; about 24000 able to bear Arms; and consequently

about 50000 in all: And I see no reason why in all this

and the other Plantations of Asia, Africa, and America, there

should not be half a Million in all. But this last I leave to

every Mans conjecture; and consequently, I suppose, that the

King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects, ubivis

Terrarum Orbis; and the King of France about Thirteen and

a ½ as aforesaid.

Although it be very material to know the number of

Subjects belonging to each Prince, yet when the Question

is concerning their Wealth and Strength; It is also material

to examin, how many of them do get more than they spend,

and how many less.

In order whereunto it is to be considered, that in the King

of Englands Dominions, there are not twenty Thousand

Church-men; But in France, as the aforementioned Author

of theirs doth aver, (who sets down the particular number of

each Religious Order) there are about Two Hundred and

Seventy thousand, viz. Two Hundred and Fifty thousand

more than we think are necessary, (that is to say) Two

Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the World.

Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons, are

equivalent to about double the same number, of the promis-

cuous Mass of Mankind. And the same Author says, that

the same Religious Persons, do spend one with another about

18 d. per diem, which is triple even to what a labouring Man


Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand

Church-men (living as they do) makes the King of France's

Thirteen Millions and a half, to be less than Thirteen: `Now

if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands, as

Thirteen can upon the Continent; then the said Ten being

not concerned to increase their Territory by the Invasion of

others, are as effectual as the Thirteen in point of Strength

also; wherefore that there are more Superlucrators in the

English, than the French Dominions, we say as followeth.

There be in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Kings

other Territories above Forty Thousand Seamen; in France

not above a quarter so many; but one Seaman earneth as

much as three common Husbandmen; wherefore this difference

in Seamen, addeth to the account of the King of England's

Subjects, is an advantage equivalent to Sixty Thousand


There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other

the King of England's Territories Six Hundred thousand

Tun of Shipping, worth about four Millions and a ½ of Money

and the annual charge of maintaining the Shipping of England,

by new Buildings and Reparations, is about 1/3 part of the

same summ; which is the Wages of one Hundred and Fifty

thousand Husbandmen, but is not the Wages of above part

of so many Artisans as are employed, upon Shipping of all

sorts; viz. Shiprights, Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Painters

Block-makers, Rope-makers, Mast-makers, Smiths of several

sorts; Flag-makers, Compass-makers, Brewers, Bakers, and all

other sort of Victuallers; all sorts of Tradesmen relating to

Guns, and Gunners Stores. Wherefore there being four times

more of these Artisans in England, &c. than in France; they

further add to the account of the King of England's Subjects,

the equivalent of Eighty Thousand Husbandmen more.

The Sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the

adjacent Islands, is about Three thousand Eight hundred

Miles; according to which length, and the whole content of

Acres, the said Land would be an Oblong, or Parallelogram

Figure of Three thousand Eight hundred Miles long, and

about Twenty four Miles broad; and consequently, every

part of England, Scotland, and Ireland, is one with another,

but twelve Miles from the Sea: Whereas France containing,

but about one Thousand Miles of Sea line, is by the like

method or computation, about Sixty Five Miles from the

Sea side; and considering the paucity of Ports, in comparison

of what are in the King of England's Dominions, as good as

Seventy Miles distant from a Port: Upon which grounds it

is clear, that England can be supplied, with all gross and

bulkey commodities of Foreign growth and Manufacture, at

far cheaper rates than France can be, viz, at about 4s. per cent.

cheaper; the Land carriage for the difference of the distance

between England and France from a Port, being so much or

near thereabouts. Now to what advantage this conveniency

amounteth, upon the Importation and Exportation of Bulkey

Commodities, cannot be less than the Labour of one Million

of People, &c. meaning by bulkey Commodities all sorts of

Timber, Plank, and Staves for Cask; all Iron, Lead, Stones,

Bricks, and Tyles for building; all Corn, Salt, and Drinks;

all Flesh and Fish, and indeed all other Commodities, wherein

the gain and loss of 4s. per Cent, is considerable; where note

that the like Wines are sold in the inner parts of France for

four or Five Pound a Tun, which near the Ports yield 7 1.

Moreover upon this Principal, the decay of Timber in England

is no very formidable thing, as the Rebuilding of London, and

of the Ships wasted by the Dutch War do clearly manifest;

Nor can there be any want of Corn, or other necessary Pro-

visions in England, unless the Weather hath been universally

unseasonable for the growth of the same; which seldom or

never happens; for the same causes which make Dearth in

one place, do often cause plenty in another; wet Weather

being propitious to High-lands, which drowneth the Low.

It is observed that the poor of France, have generally less

Wages than in England; and yet their Victuals are generally

dearer there; which being so, there may be more superlucration

in England than in France.

Lastly, I offer it to the consideration of all those, who

have travelled through England and France; Whether the

Plebeians of England (for they constitute the Bulk of any

Nation) do not spend a sixth part more than the Plebeians

of France? And if so, it is necessary that they must first

get it; and consequently that Ten Millions of the King of

England's Subjects, are equivalent to Twelve of the King of

France; and upon the whole matter, to the Thirteen Millions,

at which the French Nation was estimated.

It will here be objected, that the splendor and magnifi-

cencies of the King of France, appearing greater than those

of England, that the Wealth of France must be proportionably

greater, than that of England; but that doth not follow, for-

asmuch as the apparent greatness of the King, doth depend.

upon the Quota pars of the Peoples Wealth which he levyeth

from them; for supposing of the People to be equally Rich,

if one of the Sovereigns levy a fifth part, and another a

fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as Rich as the other,

whereas potentially, they are but equal.

Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Super-

lucration, and Defencibleness of both Dominions, and in some

measure of their Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention

Ships, Shipping, and nearness to Ports; we come next to

inlarge a little further, upon the Trade of each.

Some have estimated, that there are not above Three

hundred Millions of People in the whole World. Whether

that be so or no, is not very material to be known; but I

have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad to know

it more certainly, that there are not above Eighty Millions,

with whom the English and Dutch have Commerce; no

Europeans that I know of, Trading directly nor indirectly,

where they do not; so as the whole Commercial World, or

World of Trade, consisteth of about Eighty Millions of Souls,

as aforesaid.

And I further estimate, that the value of all Commodities

yearly exchanged amongst them, doth not exceed the value

of Forty Five Millions: Now the Wealth of every Nation,

consisting chiefly, in the share which they have in the Foreign

Trade with the whole Commercial World, rather than in the

Domestick Trade, of ordinary Meat, Drink, and Cloaths, &c.

which bringing in little Gold, Silver, Jewels, and other

Universal Wealth; we are to consider, Whether the Subjects

of the King of England,. Head for Head, have not a greater

share, than those of France.

To which purpose it hath been considered, that the

Manufactures of Wool, yearly exported out of England, into

several parts of the World, viz. All sorts of Cloth, Serges,

Stuffs, Cottons, Bays, Sayes, Prize, perpetuanus; as also

Stockings, Caps, Rugs, &c. Exported out of England Scot-

land, and Ircland do amount unto Five Millions per annum.

The value of Lead, Tynn, and Coals, to be Five hundred

thousand pounds.

The value of all Cloaths, Houshold-stuff &c. carried into

America, Two hundred thousand pounds.

The value of Silver, and Cold, taken from the Spaniards

Sixty thousand pounds.

The value of Sugar; Indico, Tobacco, Cotton, and Caccao,

hrought from the Southward parts of America Six hundred

thousand pounds.

The value of the Fish, Pipe-staves, Masts, Bever, &c.

brought from New-England and the Northern parts of

America, Two Hundred Thousand pounds.

The value of the Wool, Butter; Hides, Tallow, Beef

Herring, Pitchers, and Salmon, exported out of Ireland,

Eight hundred thousand pounds.

The value of the Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn, Herrings,

Pilehers, Salmon, Linnen-Cloth, and Yarn, brought out of

Scotland, and Ireland 5000001.

The value of Salt-peter, Pepper, Callicoes, Diamonds, Drugs,

and Silks, brought out of the East-Indies, above what was

spent in England; Eight hundred thousand pounds.

The value of the Slaves, brought out of Africa, to serve

in our A merican Plantations Twenty thousand pounds; which

with the Freight of English Shipping, Trading into Foreign

parts, being above a Million and a ½ makes in all Ten

Millions one Hundred and Eighty thousand pounds.

Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs

of the Three Kingdoms, whose intrinsick value are thought

to be near a Million per annum, viz. Six hundred thousand

pounds, payable to the King; 100 thousand Pounds, for the

charges of Collecting, &c. Two hundred thousand pounds

smuckled by the Merchants, and one Hundred thousand

pounds gained by the Farmers; according to common

Opinion, and Mens Sayings: And this agrees also with that

proportion, or part of the whole Trade of the World, which

I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be

possessed of; viz, of about Ten of Forty Five Millions.

But the value of the French Commodities, brought into

England, (notwithstanding some currant estimates,) are not

above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds per annum;

and the value of all they export into all the World besides,

not above Three or Four times as much; which computation

also agreeth well enough, with the account we have of the

Customs of France; so as France not exporting above the

value of what England doth; and for that all the Commodities

of France (except Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first patterns

and fashions for Cloaths, and Furniture (of which France is

the Mint) are imitable by the English; and having withal

more People than England; it follows that the People of

England, &e. have Head for Head, thrice as much Foreign

Trade as the People of France; and about Two parts of

Nine of the Trade of the whole Commercial World; and

about Two parts in Seven of all the Shipping: Notwith-

standing all which it is not to be denied, that the King and

some great Men of France, appear more Rich and Splendid,

than those of the like Quality in England; all which arises

rather from the nature of their Government, than from the

Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power.


That the Impediments of Englands greatness, are but contingent

and removable.

THE first Impediment of Englands greatness is, that the

Territories thereunto belonging, are too far asunder, and

divided by the Sea into many several Islands and Countries;

and I may say, into so many Kingdoms, and several Govern-

ments, (viz.) there be Three distinct Legislative Powers in

England, Scotland, and Ireland; the which instead of uniting

together, do often cross one anothers Interest; putting Bars

and Impediments upon one anothers Trades, not only as if

they were Foreigners to each other, but sometimes as Enemies.

2. The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, and the Isle of

Man, are under Jurisdiaions different from those, either of

England, Scotland; or Ireland.

3. The Government of New-England (both Civil and

Ecclesiastical) doth so differ from that of his Majesties other

Dominions, that `tis hard to say what may be the consequence

of it.

And the Government of the other Plantations, doth also

differ very much from any of the rest; although there be not

naturally substantial reasons from the Situation, Trade, and

Condition of the People, why there should be such differences.

From all which it comes to pass, that small divided

remote Governments, being seldom able to defend themselves,

the Burthen of protecting of them all, must lye upon the chief

Kingdom England; and so all the smaller Kingdoms and

Dominions, instead of being Additions are really Diminutions;

but the same is remedied by making Two such Grand Councils,

as may equally represent the whole Empire, one to be chosen

by the King, the other by the People . The Wealth of a

King is Three-fold, one is the Wealth of his Subjects, the

second is the Quota pars of his Subjects Wealth, given him

for the publick Defence, Honour, and Ornament of the People,

and to manage such undertaking for the Common Good, as

no one or a few private Men, are sufficient for.

The third sort are the Quota, of the last mention Quota

pars, which the King may dispose of, as his own personal

inclination, and discretion shall direct him; without account.

Now it is most manifest, that the afore-mentioned distances,

and differencies, of Kingdoms, and Jurisdictions, are great

impediments to all the said several sorts of Wealth, as may

be seen in the following particulars. First in case of War

with Foreign Nations, England commonly beareth the whole

burthen, and charge, whereby many in England are utterly


Secondly, England sometimes Prohibiting the Commo-

dities of Ireland, and Scotland, as of late it did the Cattle,

Flesh, and Fish, of Ireland; did not only make Food, and

consequently Labour, dearer in England, but also hath forced

the People of Ireland, to fetch those Commodities from France,

Holland, and other places, which before was sold them from

England, to the great prejudice of both Nations.

Thirdly, It occasions an unnecessary trouble, and charge,

in Collecting of Customs, upon Commodities passing between

the several Nations.

Fourthly, It is a damage to our Barbadoes, and other

American Trades, that the Goods which might pass thence

immediately, to several parts of the World, and to be sold

at moderate Rates, must first come into England, and there

pay Duties, and afterwards (if at all) pass into those Countries,

whither they might have gone immediatly.

Fifthly, The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, are protected

at the charge of England, nevertheless the Labour, and

Industry, of that People (which is very great) redounds

most to the profit of the French.

Sixthly, In New-England, there are vast numbers of able

bodyed Englishmen, employed chiefly in Husbandry, and in

the meanest part of it, (which is breeding of Cattle) whereas

Ireland would have contained all those persons, and at worst

would have afforded them Lands on better terms, than they

have them in America, if not some other better Trade withal,

than now they can have.

Seventhly, The Inhabitants of the other Plantations,

although they do indeed Plant Commodities, which will not

grow so well in England; yet grasping at more Land, than

will suffice to produce the said Exotics in a sufficient quantity

to serve the whole World, they do therein but distract, and

confound, the effect of their own Indeavours.

Eighthly, There is no doubt that the same People, far and

wide dispersed, must spend more upon their Government, and

Protection, than the same living compactly, and when they

have no occasion to depend upon the Wind, Weather, and

all the Accidents of the Sea.

A second Impediment to the greatness of England, is the

different Understanding of several Material Points, viz. Of

the Kings Prerogative, Privileges of Parliament, the obscure

differences between Law and Equity; as also between Civil

and Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions; Doubts whether the King-

dom of England hath power over the Kingdom of Ireland,

besides the wonderful Paradox; that Englishmen, Lawfully

sent to suppress Rebellions in Ireland, should after having

effected the same, (be as it were) Disfranchised, and lose that

Interest in the Legislative Power, which they had in England,

and pay Customs as Foreigners for all they spend in Ire-

land, whither they were sent, for the Honour and Benefit of


The third Impediment is, That Ireland being a Conquered

Country, and containing not the tenth part as many Irish

Natives, as there are English in both Kingdoms, That natural

and firm Union is not made, between the two Peoples, by

Transplantations, and proportionable mixture, so as there

may be but a tenth part, of the Irish in Ireland, and the

same proportion in England; whereby the necessity of

maintaining an Army in Ireland, at the expence of a quarter

of all the Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away.

The fourth Impediment is, That Taxes in England are

not Levied upon the expence, but upon the whole Estate;

not upon Lands, Stock, and Labour, but chiefly upon Land

alone; and that not by any equal, and indifferent Standard,

but the casual predominancy, of Parties, and Factions: and

moreover that these Taxes are not Levied with the least

trouble, and charge, but let out to Farmers, who also let

them from one to another without explicit knowledge of

what they do; but so as in conclusion, the poor People pay

twice as much as the King receives.

The fifth Impediment is the inequality of Shires, Diocesses,

Parishes, Church-Livings, and other Precincts, as also the

Representation of the People in Parliament; all which do

hinder the Operations of Authority in the same manner, as

a Wheel irregularly made, and excentrically hung; neither

moves so easily, nor performs its Work so truely, as if the

same were duely framed and poised.

Sixthly, Whether it be an Impediment, that the power of

making War, and raising Mony be not in the same Hand,

much may be said; but I leave it to those, who may more

properly meddle with Fundamental Laws.

None of these Impediments are Natural, but did arise as

the irregularity of Buildings do, by being built, part at one

time, and part at another; and by the changing of the state

of things, from what they were at the respective times, when

the Practices we complain of, were first admitted, and perhaps,

are but the warpings of time, from the rectitude of the first


As these Impediments are contingent, so they are also

removeable; for may not the Land of superfluous Territories

be sold, and the People with their moveables brought away?

May not the English in the America Plantations (who Plant

Tobacco, Sugar, &c.) compute what Land will serve their turn,

and then contract their Habitations to that proportion, both

for quantity and quality? as for the People of New-England,

I can but wish they were Transplanted into Old England, or

Ireland (according to Proposals of their own, made within

this twenty years) although they were allowed more liberty

of Conscience, than they allow one another.

May not the three Kingdoms be United into one, and

equally represented in Parliament? Might not the several

Species of the Kings Subjects, be equally mixt in their

Habitations; Might not the Parishes, and other Precincts be

better equalized. Might not Jurisdictions, and pretences of

Power, be determined and ascertained? Might not the Taxes

be equally applotted, and directly applied to their ultimate

use? Might not Dissenters in Religion be indulged, they

paying a competent Force to keep the Publick Peace? I

humbly venture to say, all these things may be done, if

it be so thought fit by the Sovereign Power, because the like

hath often been done already, at several Places and Times.


That the Power and Wealth of England hath increased this last forty years.

IT is not much to be doubted, but that the Territories

under the Kings Dominions have increased; Forasmuch

as New-England, Virginia, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, Tangier,

and Bumbay, have since that time, been either added to His

Majesties Territories, or improved from a Desart condition, to

abound with People, Buildings, Shipping, and the Production

of many useful Commodities. And as for the Land of

England, Scotland, and Ireland, as it is not less in quantity,

than it was forty years since; so it is manifest that by reason

of the Dreyning of Fens, watering of dry Grounds, improving

of Forrests, and Commons, making of He at hy and Barren

Grounds, to bear Saint-foyne, and Clover grass; meliorating,

and multiplying several sorts of Fruits, and Garden-Stuffe,

making some Rivers Navigable, &c. I say it is manifest,

that the Land in its present Condition, is able to bear more

Provision, and Commodities, than it was forty years ago.

Secondly, Although the People in England, Scotland, and

Ireland, which have extraordinarily perished by the Plague,

and Sword, within this last forty years, do amount to about

three hundred thousand, above what have dyed in the ordinary

way; yet the ordinary increase by Generation of ten Millions,

which doubles in two hundred years, as hath been shewn by

the Observators upon the Bills of Mortality, may in forty

years (which is a fifth part of the same time) have increased'

part of the whole number, or two Millions. Where note

by the way, that the accession of Negroes to the American

Plantations (being all Men of great Labour and little Ex-

pence) is not inconsiderable; besides it is hoped that New-

England, where few or no Women are Barren, and most have

many Children, and where People live long, and healthfully,

hath produced an increase of as many People, as were

destroyed in the late Tumults in Ireland.

As for Housing, the Streets of London it self speaks it, I

conceive it is double in value in that City, to what it was

forty years since; and for Housing in the Country, they have

increased, at Newcastle, Yarmouth, Norwich, Exeter, Ports-

mouth, Cowes, Dublin, Kingsaile, Londonderry, and Coleraine

in Ireland, far beyond the proportion of what I can learn

have been dilapidated in other places. For in Ireland where

the ruin was greatest, the Housing (taking all together) is

now more valuable than forty years ago, nor is this to be

doubted, since Housing is now more splendid, than in those

days, and the number of Dwellers is increased, by near part;

as in the last Paragraph is set forth.

As for Shipping, his Majesties Navy is now triple, or

quadruple, to what it was forty years since, and before the

Sovereign was Built; the Shipping Trading to Newcastle,

which are now about eighty thousand Tuns, could not be

then above a quarter of that quantity. First, Because the

City of London, is doubled. 2. Because the use of Coals is

also at least doubled, because they were heretofore seldom

used in Chambers, as now they are, nor were there so many

Bricks burned with them as of late, nor did the Country on

both sides the Thames, make use of them as now. Besides

there are employed in the Guinny and American Trade, above

forty thousand Tun of Shipping per annum; which Trade in

those days was inconsiderable. The quantity in Wines

Imported was not near so much as now; and to be short,

the Customs upon Imported, and Exported Commodities,

did not then yield a third part of the present value: which

shews that not only Shipping, but Trade it self hath increased,

somewhat near that proportion.

As to Mony, the Interest thereof was within this fifty

years, at 10 l. per Cent. forty years ago, at 81. and now at

6 l. no thanks to any Laws which have been made to that

purpose, forasmuch as those who can give good security, may

now have it at less: But the natural fall of Interest, is the

effect of the increase of Mony.

Moreover if rented Lands, and Houses, have increased;

and if Trade hath increased also, it is certain that mony

which payeth those Rents, and driveth on Trade, must have

increased also.

Lastly, I leave it to the consideration of all Observers,

whether the number, and splendor of Coaches, Equipage, and

Houshold Furniture, hath not increased, since that time; to

say nothing of the Postage of Letters, which have increased

from one to twenty, which argues the increase of Business,

and Negotiation. I might add that his Majesties Revenue

is near tripled, and therefore the means to pay, and bear the

same, have increased also.


That one tenth part of the whole Expence, of the King of

England's Subjects, is sufficient to maintain ten thousand

Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at

Sea; and defray all other Charges of the Government

both Ordinary and Extraordinary, if the same were

regularly Taxed, and Raised.

To clear this Point, we are to find out, what is the middle

expence of each Head in the Kings Dominions, between

the highest and the lowest; to which I say it is not probably

less than the expence of a Labourer, who earneth about 8 d.

a day; for the Wages of such a Man is 4s. per week without

Victuals, or 2s. with it; wherefore the value of his Victuals

is 2s. per week, or 51. 4s. per annum: Now the value of

Clothes cannot be less than the Wages given to the poorest

Maid-Servant' in the Country, which is 30s. per annum, nor

can the charge of all other Necessaries, be less than 6s. per

annum more; wherefore the whole charge is 7 l.

It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the hands

of any that live at 7 l. per annum, and therefore such will

wonder at this supposition: But if they consider how much

the number of the Poor, and their Children, is greater than

that of the Rich; although the personal expence of some

Rich Men, should be twenty times more than that of a

Labourer; yet the expence of the Labourer above mentioned,

may well enough stand for the Standard of the Expence, of

the whole mass of Mankind.

Now if the expence of each Man, one with another, be

7 l. per annum, and if the number of the Kings Subjects, be

ten Millions, then the tenth part of the whole expence, will

be seven Millions: but about five Millions, or a very little

more, will amount to one years pay for one hundred thousand

Foot, forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea,

Winter and Summer; which can rarely be necessary. And

the ordinary charge of the Government, in times of deep and

serene Peace, was not 600000 1. per annum.

Where a People thrive, there the income is greater than

the expence, and consequently the tenth part of the expence

is not a tenth part of the income; now for Men to pay a tenth

of their expence, in a time of the greatest exegency (for such

it must be when so great Forces are requisite) can be no

hardship, much less a deplorable condition, for to bear the

tenth part, a Man needs spend but a twentieth part less,

and labour a twentieth part more, or half an hour per diem

extraordinary, both which within Common Experience are

very tolerable; there being very few in England, who do not

eat by a twentieth part more than does them good; and what

misery were it, in stead of wearing Cloth of 20s. per Yard, to

be contented with that of 19s. few Men having skill enough

to discern the difference.

Memorandum, That all this while I suppose, that all of

these ten Millions of People, are obedient to their Sovereign,

and within the reach of his power; for as things are other-

wise, so the Calculation must be varied.


That there are spare Hands enough among the King of

England's Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum

more than they now do; and that there are also Employ-

ments, ready, proper, and sufficient, for that purpose.

TO prove this Point we must enquire, how much all the

People could earn, if they were disposed, or necessitated

to labour, and had Work whereupon to employ themselves;

and compare that summ, with that of the Total expence

above mentioned; deducting the Rents, and Profits of their

Land, and Stock, which properly speaking, saveth so much

Labour. Now the proceed of the said Lands, and Stock in

the Countries, is about three parts of seven, of the whole

expence; so as where the expence is seventy Millions, the

Rent of the Land, and the Profit of all the Personal Estate,

Interest of mony, &c. must be about thirty Millions; and

consequently, the value of the Labour forty Millions, that

is 4 l. per Head.

But it is to be noted, That about a quarter of the Mass

of Mankind, are children, Males, and Females, under seven

years old, from whom little Labour is to be expected. It is

also to be noted, That about another tenth part of the whole

People, are such as by reason of their great Estates, Titles,

Dignities, Offices, and Professions, are exempt from that kind

of Labour we now speak of; their business being, or ought to

be, to Govern, Regulate, and Direct, the Labours. and Actions

of others. So that of ten Millions, there may be about six

Millions and an half, which (if need require) might actually

Labour: And of these some might earn 3s. per week, some

5 s. and some 7s. That is all of them might earn 5s. per

week at a Medium one with another; or at least 10 l. per

annum, (allowing for sickness, and other accidents;) whereby

the whole might earn sixty five Millions per annum, that is

twenty five more than the expence.

The Author of the State of England, says that the Children

of Norwich, between six and sixteen years old, do earn 1200 l.

per annum, more than they spend. Now forasmuch as the

People of Norwich, are a three hundredth part of all the

People of England, as appears by the Accompts of the

Hearth mony; and about a five hundredth part, of all the

Kings Subjects throughout the World; it follows that all

his Majesties Subjects, between six and sixteen years old,

might earn five Millions per annum more than they spend.

Again, forasmuch as the number of People, above sixteen

years old, are double the number, of those between six and

sixteen; and that each of the Men can earn double to each

of the Children; it is plain that if the Men and Children every

where did do as they do in Norwich, they might earn twenty

five Millions per ann. more than they spend: which estimate

grounded upon matter of Fact and Experience, agrees with

the former.

Although as hath been proved, the People of England do

thrive, and that it is possible they might Superlucrate twenty

five Millions per annum; yet it is manifest that they do not,

nor twenty three, which is less by the two Millions herein

meant; for if they did Superlucrate twenty three Millions,

then in about five or six years time, the whole Stock, and

Personal Estate of the Nation would be doubled, which I

wish were true, but find no manner of reason to believe:

wherefore if they can Superlucrate twenty five, but do not

actually Superlucrate twenty three, nor twenty, nor ten, nor

perhaps five, I have then proved what was propounded, viz.

That there are spare Hands among the Kings Subjects, to

earn two Millions more than they do.

But to speak a little more particularly concerning this

matter: It is to be noted that since the Fire of London,

there was earned in four years by Tradesmen, (relating to

Building only) the summ of four Millions; viz, one Million

per annum, without lessening any other sort of Work, Labour,

or Manufacture, which was usually done in any other four

years before the said occasion: But if the Tradesmen relating

to Building only, and such of them only as wrought in and

about London, could do one Million worth of Work extra-

ordinary; I think that from thence, and from what hath been

said before, all the rest of the spare Hands, might very well

double the same, which is as much as was propounded.

Now if there were spare Hands to Superlucrate Millions of

Millions, they signifie nothing unless there were Employment

for them; and may as well follow their Pleasures, and Specu-

lations, as Labour to no purpose; therefore the more material

Point is, to prove that there is two Millions worth of Work to

be done, which at present the Kings Subjects do neglect.

For the proof of this there needs little more to be done,

than to compute 1. How much mony is paid, by the King

of England's Subjects, to Foreigners for Freights of Shipping.

2. How much the Hollanders gain by their Fishing Trade,

practised upon our Seas. 3. What the value is of all the

Commodities, Imported into, and spent in England; which

might by diligence be produced, and Manufactured here. To

make short of this matter, upon perusal of the most Authen-

tick Accompts, relating to these several particulars, I affirm

that the same amounteth to above five Millions, whereas I

propounded but two Millions.

For a further proof whereof Mr. Samuel Fortry in his

ingenious Discourse of Trade, exhibits the particulars, where-

in it appears, that the Goods Imported out of France only,

amount yearly to two Millions six hundred thousand pounds.

And I affirm, That the Wine, Paper, Corke, Rozen, Capers, and

a few other Commodities, which England cannot produce, do

not amount to one fifth part of the said summ. From whence

it follows, that (if Mr. Fortry hath not erred) the two Millions

here mentioned, may arise from France alone; and conse-

quently five or six Millions, from all the three Heads last

above specified.


That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation.

SInce his Majesties happy Restauration, it was thought fit

to call in, and new Coin the mony, which was made in

the times of Usurpation. Now it was observed by the general

consent of Cashiers, that the said mony (being by frequent

Revolutions well mixed with old) was about a seventh part

thereof: and that the said mony being called in, was about

800000 l. and consequently the whole five Millions six hundred

thousand pound. Whereby it is probable that (some allow-

ance being given for hoarded mony) the whole Cash of

England was then about six Millions, which I conceive is

sufficient to drive the Trade of England, not doubting but

the rest of his Majesties Dominions have the like means to

do the same respectively.

If there be six Millions of Souls in England, and that each

spendeth 7 l. per annum, then the whole expence is forty two

Millions, or about eight hundred thousand pound per week;

and consequently, if every Man did pay his expence weekly,

and that the Money could circulate within the compass of a

Week, then less than one Million would answer the ends

proposed. But forasmuch as the Rents of the Lands in

England (which are paid half yearly) are eight Millions

per annum, there must be four Millions to pay them. And

forasmuch as the Rent of the Housing of England, paid

quarterly, are worth about four Millions per ann. there needs

but one Million to pay the said Rents; wherefore six Millions

being enough to make good the three sorts of Circulations

above mentioned, I conceive what was proposed, is compe-

tently proved, at least until something better be held forth

to the contrary.


That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock competent

and convenient, to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial


NOW for the further incouragement of Trade, as we have

shewn that there is mony enough in England to manage

the Affairs thereof; so we shall now offer to consideration,

Whether there be not a competent, and convenient Stock to

drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. To which

purpose it is to be remembred, That all the Commodities,

yearly Exported out of every part of the last mentioned

World, may be bought for forty five Millions; and that the

Shipping employed in the same World, are not worth above

fifteen Millions more, and consequently, that sixty Millions at

most, would drive the whole Trade above mentioned, without

any trust at all. But forasmuch as the growers of Commo-

dities, do commonly trust them to such Merchants or Factors,

as are worth but such a part of the full value of their

Commodities, as may possibly be lost upon the sale of them,

whereas gain is rather to be expected; it follows that less

than a Stock of sixty Millions, nay less than half of the

same summ, is sufficient to drive the Trade above-mentioned:

It being well known that any Tradesman of good Reputation

worth 500 l. will be trusted with above 1000 l. worth of Com-

modities: Wherefore less than thirty Millions, will suffice for

the said purpose; of which summ, the Coin, Shipping, and

Stock, already in Trade, do at least make one half.

And it hath been shewn, how by the Policy of a Bank,

any summ of mony may be made equivalent in Trade, unto

near double of the same; by all which it seems, that even at

present much is not wanting, to perform what is propounded.

But suppose twenty Millions or more were wanting, it is not

improbable, that since the generality of Gentlemen, and some

Noblemen, do put their younger Sons to Merchandize, they

will see it reasonable, as they increase in the number of

Merchants, so to increase the magnitude of Trade, and

consequently to increase Stock; which may effectually be

done, by inbanking twenty Millions worth of Land, not

being above a sixth or seventh of the whole Territory of

England; (that is to say) by making a Fond of such value,

to be security for all Commodities, bought and sold upon the

accompt of that Universal Trade here mentioned.

And thus it having appeared, that England having in it,

as much Land, like Holland and Zealand, as the said two

Provinces do themselves contain, with abundance of other

Land, not inconvenient for Trade; and that there are spare

Bands enough, to earn many Millions of mony, more than

they now do, and that there is also Employment to earn

several Millions, (even from the Consumption of England it

self) it follows from thence, and from what hath been said in

the last Paragraph, about inlarging of Stock, both of Mony,

and Land; that it is not impossible, nay a very feasible matter,

for the King of England's Subjects, to gain the Universal

Trade of the whole Commercial World.

Nor is it unseasonable to intimate this matter, forasmuch

as the younger Brothers, of the good Families of England,

cannot otherwise be provided for, so as to live according to

their Birth and Breeding: For if the Lands of England are

worth eight Millions per annum, then there be at a medium

about ten thousand Families, of about 800 l. per annum; in

each of which, one with another, we may suppose there is a

younger Brother, whom less than two or 300 l. per annum

will not maintain suitable to his Relations: Now I say that

neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands in our ordinary

Army and Navy, nor Church Preferments; nor the usual

Gains by the Profession of the Law, and Physick; nor the

Employments under Noblemen, and Prelates: will, all of

them put together, furnish livelyhoods of above 300 l. per

annum, to three thousand of the said ten thousand younger

Brothers: whereof it remains that Trade alone must supply

the rest. But if the said seven thousand Gentlemen, be

applyed to Trade, without increasing of Trade; or if we

hope to increase Trade, without increasing of Stock, which

for ought appears is only to be done, by imbanking a due

proportion of Lands, and Mony; we must necessarily be

disappointed. Where note, that selling of Lands to Foreigners

for Gold and Silver, would inlarge the Stock of the Kingdom:

Whereas doing the same between one another, doth effect

nothing. For he that turneth all his Land into Mony,

disposes himself for Trade; and he that parteth with his

Mony for Land, doth the contrary; But to sell Land to

Foreigners, increaseth both Mony and People, and conse-

quently Trade. Wherefore it is to be thought, that when

the Laws denying Strangers to Purchase, and not permitting

them to Trade, without paying extraordinary Duties, were

made; that then, the publick State of things, and Interest of

the Nation, were far different from what they now are.

Having handled these Ten Principal Conclusions, I might

go on with others, ad infinitum; But what hath been already

said, I look upon as sufficient, for to shew what I mean by

Political Arithmetick; and to shew the uses of knowing

the true State of the People, Land, Stock, Trade, &c. 2. That

the Kings Subjects are not in, so bad a condition, as dis-

contented Men would make them. 3. To shew the great

effect of Unity, industry, and obedience, in order to the

Common Safety, and each Man's particular Happiness.


This e-text was prepared by Rod Hay and posted at the McMaster University Archive of Economic Thought, April 1, 1998. Premission is granted to re-post so long as this credit remains in place.